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Oregon Methodism 


Edited by 

Digitized by the Internet Archive 

in 2012 with funding from 

Drew University with a grant from the American Theological Library Association 

A History of 
Oregon Methodism 



Edited by 


Author, Na Man Like Joe 

Printed by 


for the 




chapter page 

Editorial Introduction 5 

Biographical Sketch 7 

Author's Preface . . 9 

1 The Oregon Country and Its Inhabitants 11 

*% From Indian Mission to White Civilization 23 

^S From Indian Mission to White Civilization, Continued ... 37 

4 Jason Lee's Place in Oregon History 51 

5 A Fresh Start for Oregon Methodism 61 

6 The Oregon and California Mission Conference 77 

7 The Oregon Annual Conference 93 

8 Circuits and Circuit Riders 107 

^ Indian Missions and Indian Trouble 131 

10 Oregon Methodism and Private Education 147 

1 1 Educational Institutions of the Methodist Episcopal 

Church, South > 193 

12 Oregon Methodism and Good Literature 211 

13 Evangelism and Growth of the Church 227 

14 Missions at Home and Abroad 259 

15 Expansion, Fragmentation, and Reunion 301 

Appendix A Members of the Oregon Conference 311 

Appendix B Supply Pastors Who have Served the 

Churches of Oregon Methodism 327 

Notes 335 

Index 349 




It has been an honor to assist in preparing for publication the re- 
sults of a long labor of love for the enlightenment of Oregon Meth- 
odists. At the same time, we are happy to present to the public a 
memorial to the deserving author, Dr. Thomas D. Yarnes. 

The creator of the manuscript on which this book is based was too 
modest to expect his work to appear in a printed volume. Since his 
life had been spent in preaching the Gospel, he had been denied 
adequate training in historical research, a field in which he had un- 
doubted talent. Except for Conference Journals, he had little access 
to primary sources of information; and many of his secondary refer- 
ences were published in another century. While he was a pastor, he 
lacked time to devote to historical research and writing; after retire- 
ment, he lacked funds, factual resources and health adequate to his 
great task. Yet he was a great organizer of the considerable, if in 
some respects inadequate, materials which he had painstakingly 
collected. He was careful, thorough and consecrated. As he himself 
wrote in his preface, he "perused all these sources and studied them 

Any good writer needs to be a re-writer. Dr. Yarnes prepared a 
chapter at a time over a period of years, then passed away before he 
had completed all the units he had planned. He had no opportunity 
to revise and edit his own compositions. This editor has tried, in the 
limited time at his disposal, to make some suitable and necessary 
changes. Sometimes he has wielded a heavy pencil. But he has 
limited his interference with interpretations almost entirely to back- 
ground material. Even in that area, the author's feelings and con- 
clusions are still evident. 

The long, laborious processes of writing employed by the author 
resulted in considerable repetition. Some overlapping still remains. 
Many long quoted passages have been eliminated or much ab- 
breviated. Anyone who wishes to retrieve what has been lost through 
the editing may consult Dr. Yarnes' original manuscript, as typed 
under the direction of Dr. Reginald R. Stuart, Director of the Cali- 
fornia History Foundation. As Dr. Yarnes wished, the complete set 
of chapters has been placed in Willamette University. A service 
similar to that of Dr. Stuart has been performed by Oregon Confer- 
ence Executive Secretaries, Dr. Ernest F. Harold and Rev. Meredith 
Groves, in connection with the revised manuscript. The editor's wife, 



Eunice, has devoted many helpful days to improvement of the copy. 

Obviously, in the short time available, it has been impossible to 
check all references and quotations, although much of this has been 
done. Additional research, however desirable, has been out of the 
question. Needed anecdotal details could not be sought out. Finally, 
it should be said that the combined efforts of an able amateur his- 
torian and an editor without adequate background in Methodist 
matters have not resulted in a perfect work. 

Nevertheless, the whole story of Methodism in Oregon has been 
told for the first time. No partial account could reveal the entire 
truth or impart fully the inspiration of an indefatigable effort to 
advance the Kingdom of God on this part of the earth. The History 
of Oregon Methodism reveals how Missionaries, Circuit Riders, 
Elders, Supply Pastors, Local Preachers, Teachers and Laymen have 
contributed to the attainment of a constant goal. Savagery, too rapid 
increases in population, inflations, depressions, wars, financial prob- 
lems and human errors have not daunted the men and women of 
Methodism. Be gentle, reader; study the story, enjoy it and profit 
from the presentation. 

Harvey E. Tobie 
Portland, Oregon 


Thomas D. Yarnes, son of Edward and Harriet Reece Yarnes, was 
born at Spring Valley, Minnesota, November 6, 1883. He came with 
his parents to Oregon in 1892, and lived on a farm near Dayton. He 
was married to Miss Leah Wilson at Dayton, Oregon, September 12, 

He was received on trial in the Oregon Annual Conference of 
the Methodist Episcopal Church in 1911. In 1913, he graduated from 
Kimball School of Theology, Salem, Oregon, and was received into 
full membership in the conference. He graduated in 1916 from Wil- 
lamette University, where he later received an honorary Doctor of 
Divinity degree. 

Dr. Yarnes served the following churches in Oregon: Brooks, West 
Salem, Independence, Lebanon, Springfield, Klamath Falls, Oregon 
City, Albany, Forest Grove, and Sellwood in Portland. He served as 
District Superintendent of the Eastern District, later Cascade District, 
from 1929 to 1935. He was secretary of the Oregon Annual Confer- 
ence of the Methodist Church 1937 to 1941. He was a delegate to the 
first Western Jurisdictional Conference held in San Francisco. After 
retirement from the active ministry in 1951, he moved to Newberg, 
and served the Yamhill, church for two years. 

He was a tireless student of the history of Oregon Methodism, and 
for a number of years was president of the Oregon Methodist Con- 
ference Historical Society. 

He died December 12, 1957 at Newberg, and was survived by his 
widow, Leah Yarnes; his sons, Raymond and Lawrence; his daughter, 
Eleanor Mosher; a brother, William; and six grandchildren. 

Ormal B. Trick, President 

Oregon Methodist Conference Historical Society 


The official, chronological history of Oregon Methodism is, for 
the most part, contained in the minutes of the Oregon Mission, the 
Journal of the Oregon and California Mission Conference, and the 
Journals of the Oregon Annual Conference. But, unfortunately, the 
minutes of the Oregon Mission are very meager and not available to 
the general public. There is but one manuscript of the Minutes of 
the Oregon and California Mission Conference, but the author of 
this History caused three copies of it to be made some years past and, 
as far as he knows, these are the only copies in existence. As for the 
Journals of the Oregon Annual Conference, there are very few com- 
plete files of these in existence. 

The author has perused all these sources and studied them care- 
fully. Besides these, he has read the correspondence of Jason Lee and 
others of the period of the Oregon Mission, published accounts of 
the minutes of the Board of Missions, and the historical writings of 
the men who took part in the development of early Methodism in the 
Pacific Northwest, such as Gustavus Hines, Harvey K. Hines, and 
A. Atwood, and has read with great diligence the works of secular 
historians of the period. 

The author knew at least one of the ministers whose ministry dates 
back to the very beginning of the Oregon Annual Conference and 
many others whose ministry went back to its early stages. He has been 
collecting data for such a history as this for many years, and has 
written historical sketches of every church he has served as pastor 
for the last seven pastorates, though the demands of his vocation 
were such that he did not feel ready to begin the actual writing of his 
History of Oregon Methodism until he had taken the retired relation. 

For about twenty-five of the forty years of his active ministry, the 
author came into direct personal contact with practically every min- 
ister in the Conference in his service on the statistical staff of the 
Conference, as Conference Secretary, or as District Superintendent. 
He was also a member of many of the important Boards, Committees, 
and Commissions of the Conference for much of this time, and had 
an intimate knowledge of the Conference and its workings. 

The arrangement of the sequence of chapters has been puzzling, 
for the various phases of history recorded in these chapters were so 
largely contemporaneous, while this history has chosen to trace the 
development of each without reference to the others. However, we 



have endeavored to keep the history properly placed in its setting, 
both in the Church and in the society in which it developed. 

It is the hope of the author that these chapters, representing as 
they do the development of a great Church and a Christian civiliza- 
tion in the great Pacific Northwest during the last century and a 
third, will be made widely available. For the thing which God has 
wrought in the Pacific Northwest — changing a wild country of 
savages and wild beasts into a thriving Christian civilization in such 
a short space of time — and the part which our Methodist Church 
has played in this transformation, is a story which should be better 
known to the general public. 

It is with this hope that the author submits these pages. 

Thomas D. Yarnes 
October 4, 1957 


Chapter I 

The Oregon Country and Its Inhabitants 

A HISTORY of the Methodist work in Oregon must start with 
Jason Lee. Before him there was no church of any kind in the 
whole of that territory known as "Oregon." But from the time of his 
coming, in 1834, to the present day, there has never been a time when 
the Methodist Church has not been actively at work. 

The story of Jason Lee's selection by the Board of Missions of 
the Methodist Episcopal Church to answer the call of the Indians for 
the "White Man's Book of Heaven" has been told and retold by 
many, and it is not necessary to repeat it all here. Neither does it 
seem necessary to describe in detail his journey to the land of 
promise across the plains and mountains and through the perils of 
savage Indian tribes. Those interested in the details of these matters 
have ample material in the writings of others. 

But the setting for Methodist Missions in Oregon; the vast extent 
of territory embraced in what was then known as "Oregon"; the 
as-yet undecided question of sovereignty; the difficulties and perils of 
the workers in this territory; the location and character of the Indian 
tribes among whom the work was intended to be carried on; the 
scattered white men already here; the powerful monopoly known as 
the Hudson's Bay Company with its system of government, com- 
merce, forts, trappers, and routes of travel, together with its in- 
fluence upon the country; these have been described only in part, 
and scarcely in a form to be readily available to the average reader. 
Hence a brief survey of the field in which Jason Lee began his Mis- 
sion would seem to be in order. 

By "The Oregon Country" we mean much more than the present 
state of Oregon, though this story will deal, in the main, with the 
work of the Methodist Church in what is now Oregon. In fact, it 
will deal for the most part with the Oregon Annual Conference, for 
while that Conference, at its beginning and for some years afterward, 
included the work of the Methodist Church in what is now Washing- 
ton and Idaho, as well as in Oregon (and we shall mention these in 
their proper setting) , our chief concern is with the work of the 
Methodist Church within the limits of the Oregon Annual Confer- 

In the beginning of the Methodist Mission in Oregon there were 
no definite geographical limitations whatever. The only limitation 



to the Oregon Mission was that of the ability of the mission workers 
to reach the places where mission stations might be established and 
to carry on the work. 

"Oregon" * at first was the name of a rather vaguely defined 
region whose boundaries had not been definitely fixed, whose char- 
acter was only guessed and whose sovereignty was still unsettled. 
Five nations contended for its possession. Explorers of Russia, Great 
Britain, Spain, and France, besides the new Republic of the United 
States, vied with each other for the right to claim it. Only the rivalries 
of Great Britain and the United States are of concern to us. 

Without going into the description of these rival claims, it will not 
be inappropriate to mention the American predecessors of Jason Lee 
in preparing the way for American settlement on the Pacific Coast. 
If it had not been for them, the Mission of Jason Lee and the Meth- 
odist Church would not have had the same outcome, if indeed they 
had been possible at all. 

By sea and by land the predecessors came to trade and, as a result, 
to give Americans a foothold and eventual sovereignty. By the time 
of Lewis and Clark, about 85 American vessels had visited the north- 
west coast on commercial ventures involving the orient. 2 And the 
wish for an overland commercial connection, which inspired Presi- 
dent Jefferson and his trail blazers, led to increasing communication 
with the far coast over difficult land routes. Inevitably, but very 
early, Methodists came to Oregon by land and by sea, as their 
precursors had done. 

Trade and nationalism necessarily became involved with each 
other. John Jacob Astor of Boston, in 1811, founded a settlement 
at the mouth of the Columbia River and gave it the name of Astoria. 
This was a few weeks before a partner in the British Northwest 
Company, David Thompson, arrived on the scene. War and diplo- 
macy influenced the final outcome of fur trading competition in a 
strategic area. Because of mismanagement, made more critical by the 
war, Astor's investments had to be salvaged by sale to the Northwest 
Fur Company which later merged with the Hudson's Bay Company. 
But though the British company was temporarily relieved of Ameri- 
can competition in the Pacific northwest, the Treaty of Ghent in 
1818 perpetuated the American claim to the territory by providing 
that the region west of the Rockies should be open to both Americans 
and British for a period of ten years without prejudice to either's 
claim to sovereignty. 3 This understanding was renewable. 

The Indians were, of course, the most numerous inhabitants of 
the Oregon Country when Jason Lee arrived. It is impossible to 



number the individuals, or even the tribes, for sometimes a name 
applied to one group, may in another list, include several. Probably 
about 100 Indian tribes lived in the area which was known as 
Oregon. 4 Some of them were distinctly unfriendly. Others were 
amicable, especially after they learned that Lee was coming to preach 
the Gospel to them. 

Before he reached the Rocky Mountains, Lee had to travel for 
long distances over lands inhabited by aborigines. Pawnees, Chey- 
ennes, Crows and Flatheads lived east of the divide. West of the 
height of land were more Flatheads, the Nez Perces in the north; and 
Snakes, Bannocks and Shoshones farther south along the Snake River. 
Then Lee traversed the habitats of the Cayuse, Walla Walla, Umatil- 
la and Wasco tribes before he reached the Grand Dalles of the 
Columbia. Across the Columbia were the Klickitats, the Yakimas 
and the Cowlitz; and around Puget Sound lived the Nisqually, 
Twana, Squamish, Chimakuan and numerous other tribes. The 
Chinook, Molalla, Clackamas, Wapato, Tualatin, Multnomah, etc., 
operated south of the Columbia. Further south, there were the 
Yoncalla, Umpqua, Rogue River, Klamath and Modoc Indians; and 
residing along the coast were the Tillamook, Alsea, Siuslau, Coos and 
a few other tribes. As reminders of our earliest neighbors, we have 
named ten counties in Oregon, six in Washington, three in Idaho, 
two in California, and several others with Indian names. Numerous 
rivers, lakes, cities and towns are distinguished on the maps by labels 
given to former native residents. 

For the most part these Indians were divided into comparatively 
small tribes, though some were numbered in the thousands and 
were strong, vigorous and resourceful. The Cayuse Indians, for in- 
stance, were expert horsemen and had many fine horses. But different 
explorers and trappers who guessed the numbers of the various 
tribes either based their estimates upon observations at different 
times, or saw only a part of what others saw. At the time of the Lewis 
and Clark expedition of 1804-1805 there seem to have been many 
more Indians, especially in the Willamette Valley and the Lower 
Columbia River region than lived there when Jason Lee arrived. 
Indeed, sometime just preceding his coming some strange malady 
had decimated some of the tribes, and in some instances wiped out 
whole villages in those regions. 5 

Jason Lee began his work in a part of the country that had been 
strangely prepared for colonization by the white man, though it 
would seem to be a strange procedure to establish a mission where 
there were so few Indians, when such teeming tribes existed else- 



where. The selected region had formerly been thickly populated by 
the Clatsop, Tualatin, Calapooia and other tribes, but they were now 
so reduced in numbers that it was rather easy for white settlers to 
buy land from the few survivors and live in comparative peace and 
safety. It is significant that the Indians wars, of which we will have 
something to say in a later chapter, scarcely touched the Willamette 
Valley or the lower Columbia. 

The operations of traders and Indian relationships were closely 
connected with missionary enterprise. Wishing to expand from a base 
previously established in the Sandwich (Hawaiian) Islands, the 
American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions sent 
Jonathan S. Green on a trading vessel in 1829 to investigate oppor- 
tunities for missions on the Pacific northwest coast. In making his 
report, he quoted the opinions as to mission location of the devout 
Methodist trapper, Jedediah Smith, whose party was massacred on 
Smith River in Oregon in 1828. And the Hudson's Bay Company 
did not remain indifferent to the problem of American-Indian rela- 
tionships, for it purchased Smith's furs and concerned itself with 
control of the dangerous natives. 6 

In 1833 the leading publications of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church, the Christian Advocate and Journal and Zion's Herald, 
quoted a letter describing a request from Nez Perce or Flathead In- 
dians for religious instruction. Prominent Methodists immediately 
accepted the challenge, and with extraordinary promptness Jason 
Lee was commissioned on July 1, 1833 to proceed to establish a 
mission among Indians of the Pacific Northwest. 7 When he left for 
his destination from Independence, Missouri, April 28, 1834, his 
party, consisting of his nephew Daniel, and Cyrus Shepard (joined 
soon by Philip L. Edwards and Courtney M. Walker) , traveled in 
the protective company of a fur trading caravan. Lee's arrangement 
for transportation was with trader Nathaniel J. Wyeth, who was, in 
turn, traveling as far as the mountain rendezvous with the William 
L. Sublette trapper train. 

The journey has been described in detail by many writers. Jason 
Lee kept a diary in which he recorded some of the incidents and his 
impressions. But it is interesting to note that he was seemingly un- 
mindful of the beauties of the scenery or the grandeur of the 
stupendous works of nature through which he passed. At least he 
does not mention them. The missionaries were confronted with 
magnificent distances. They traveled thousands of miles to reach 
their destination. And they traveled on horseback, even on foot, 
until men and beasts were well nigh exhausted. But with all the 



glorious snowcapped peaks and the wonderful waterfalls., the cas- 
cades and the breath-taking cliffs and other works of nature, he does 
not seem to have been much impressed, except as these sufficed for 
the needs of the travelers and gave promise of development when 
the country might become settled. The perils of the journey and the 
hardships of travel may have been responsible. 

But he did not know where to begin his operations — whether in- 
land, among the Indians east of the Cascades, or somewhere on the 
lower reaches of the Columbia and its tributaries. He knew nothing, 
seemingly, of the character of the Indians except that some of them 
were enough interested in Christianity to seek information about 
God and the Bible. There were plenty of Indians on the east side 
of the Rocky Mountains, but others were attempting to work among 
them. Indeed, he had a determination to avoid, as much as possible, 
the Indians east of the Rockies. And with good reason. For he met 
some on the way whom he and the trappers and traders with whom 
he traveled avoided as much as possible. 

Lee's mission was to the "Flatheads." or so he supposed. They 
were to be found somewhere on the west side of the Rocky Moun- 
tains, in Oregon. Therefore to them he must bend his steps. But, 
immediately after crossing the summit, the party met a few represen- 
tatives of the Xez Perce tribe. The missionary was well impressed 
by the friendliness and even by the religious interest of these Indians. 
Indeed he found them more faithful in the observance of the Sabbath 
and of the Christian rites and worship that thev knew than many of 
the people who were brought up in Christian communities in the 
States. 8 

Much speculation has arisen about native observance of the Sab- 
bath and about the religious nature of these Indians. Captain Bon- 
neville remarked about it. Some have guessed that the influence came 
from Jedediah Smith, a religious man who carried his Bible with 
him and observed prayer and Bible study regularly on his trapping 
expeditions. In 1824, he and a small party had trapped on the Snake 
River and had wintered among these Indians. Others have credited 
the influence of Pierre C. Pambrun, who was for several years in 
charge of the Hudson's Bay trading post at Walla Walla. 8 

These Indians were very much interested in Lee's coming;, 
showed him every courtesy and gave him every assistance. Indeed. 
they gave to him. and to Daniel, some fine horses, and guided them 
on their way when they resumed their journey. But about a month 
after this contact with the Xez Perces, Lee met a considerably dif- 
ferent type of Indian, the very reverse, he thought, when an Indian 



stole one of Thomas McKay's horses while the travelers were at 
breakfast. If, generally, the Indians were very friendly to Jason Lee 
and his company, was this because the missionaries had come to bring 
them the Christian gospel? 

The Indians, generally speaking, were suspicious of strangers, or 
openly hostile. Concerning this fact there were differences of degree, 
but they were hostile to trespassers within their territory, even In- 
dians of other tribes. Each tribe had a rather definitely defined 
boundary for its abode and many inter-tribal wars were caused by 
violations of these boundaries. And trappers and explorers, like 
Jedediah Smith among the Umpquas, were likely to be in danger. 
From time to time vessels of various nationalities were attacked and 
crews were massacred. Little by little, after the coming of the traders, 
the Indians learned the advantages of doing business with white men 
who bought their furs and exchanged for them goods which they 
desired, such as cloth, blankets, knives, utensils, trinkets, and even 
guns and ammunition. Unfortunately, firewater, as well as firearms, 
entered into trade with the Indians. The Hudson's Bay Company 
sold liquor to the Indians reluctantly, if at all. The commodity was 
often in short supply for the monopoly as compared with alcohol that 
was available from overland sources to independent American 
traders. Sale to the natives did not seem to the Company's leaders to 
be good business practice, or a wise one in terms of desired control 
over the Indians. But fierce competition made ineffectual the con- 
trols over liquor supply within Indian country by either British or 
American administrative forces. 10 So the foolish practices of white 
men, as well as savage practices, added to the hazards of life within 
Indian country. 

It would seem that the place in which Jason Lee should logically 
have established his mission might have been among those Nez 
Perce and Walla Walla Indians who were apparently so ready for 
Christian instruction and so agreeable to his ministry. But his goods 
and equipment had been shipped by sea on the May Dacre along 
with the goods of Captain Wyeth and he must go to Fort Vancouver 
to receive them. And he must postpone any commitment as to where 
he would locate his mission station until he had seen the lower 
Columbia Valley and had surveyed the field more fully. Fortunately, 
he was wise enough to avoid committing himself to the Indians as to 
the location of his mission until he had fully surveyed the field. And 
so he proceeded to Fort Vancouver where he was most cordially re- 
ceived by Dr. McLoughlin, shown every courtesy and given an oppor- 
tunity to preach to the people of the station, both white and Indian. 



Lee was prayerfully seeking for the right location for his mission 
station and asking for divine direction as to whether it should be 
somewhere in the lower Columbia Valley, the Willamette Valley, 
or possibly "a thousand miles inland" — evidently meaning among 
the friendly Indians he had met in recent months east of the Cas- 
cades. He visited the lower Columbia and examined the country near 
where Thomas McKay had a farm. And then, upon the advice of 
Dr. McLoughlin, he went to the Willamette Valley among the 
French Canadians — recently discharged employees of the Hudson's 
Bay Company who had been settled on what was called "French 
Prairie." Here seemed to be the ideal situation, so he traveled a little 
beyond their settlement, located a seemingly favorable spot and built 
a log cabin sufficient for immediate needs. In the meantime, he 
preached in the homes of the French Canadians until he could get 
his cabin built. 

Here was a white settlement. But he had come to establish an 
Indian mission! However, he had perceived that the Indians were 
divided into small tribes and split up into so many small groups, were 
so isolated from each other, and so oftentimes moving from place 
to place that it would be difficult to reach many of them at a time. 
He noted that the Walla Walla tribe was small and "filthy"; and the 
Nez Perces, who were constantly at war with the Blackfeet and there- 
fore reduced in numbers, had been driven so far into the mountains 
that they were practically inaccessible. But in the Willamette Valley, 
while there were few Indians, there lived white people with Indian 
wives and half-breed children. Moreover, an Indian school to which 
Indians from far and near could send their children might accom- 
plish something constructive. Lee's first move, therefore, was to con- 
struct a building that could be used for a school as well as for a 
place of worship. It is interesting to note that the site selected was in 
the same general neighborhood as that of the Chemawa Indian 
School which the Federal Government has for many years main- 
tained a few miles north of Salem. 

It was but a half step from Indian to half-breed, and only one 
more half step to wholly white people needing neighborly religious 
ministrations. Only a little later in the season than Jason Lee's ar- 
rival, a party of about a dozen, including Ewing Young and Hall J. 
Kelley rode up to the new mission station. Service to non-Indians 
began almost immediately to be a function of the Methodists. 11 

Visits and minor settlings by Americans did little in the early 
thirties to create a parity of occupancy such as could have been 
possible under the joint agreement with Great Britain. As a matter 



of fact, it is almost true that Great Britain was actually in possession 
of the entire Oregon Country, even down to the 42nd parallel, to 
California. And trapping subjects did not hesitate to cross that line. 
The British occupied and exploited this great area through the 
grant to the Hudson's Bay Company which had its "forts" and its 
trade routes, its ships with which it carried on trade with California 
and the Sandwich Islands, a regularly organized administration, and 
its force of trappers and traders. Its employees were a veritable 
military force when occasion arose, and it not only occupied and 
exploited "Oregon," as it was entitled to do under the treaty, but, 
in the absence of other organized force, it controlled most of the 
area as if it were its own. 

By Act of Parliament in 1821, the Northwest Fur Company and the 
Hudson's Bay Company were merged, and the company which Jason 
Lee knew was the combined concern. When the monopoly strength- 
ened its organization in 1824 and 1825, its leaders made its new fort, 
Vancouver, the center of operations. It was nearer the sources of 
supply for the fur operations of the department, and it was otherwise 
well located near the confluence of the Willamette and Columbia 
rivers, favorable for farming as well as for trade, and north of the 
area that would certainly be American. 

Vancouver was only the local department station of a giant opera- 
tion controlled from London, but administered by a Governor, 
George Simpson, who had some of the qualities of a good dictator, 
and 25 Chief Factors and 28 Chief Traders. When Jason Lee arrived, 
the Chief Factor at Fort Vancouver was (since 1825) Dr. John 
McLoughlin, an impressive giant with a great deal of delegated au- 
thority. He was expected to carry out instructions efficiently as head 
of the Columbia River Department. All industry, commerce, agricul- 
ture, travel and the administration of justice were under the control 
of the Chief Factor. 

Even ex-employees of the Company were still subservient. There 
was a settlement of them on French Prairie, as we have noted. They 
were furnished seed and cattle and implements, but these were only 
loaned, and not really the property of the settler, but rather of the 
Hudson's Bay Company. Farmers were, in effect, herdsmen and care- 
takers of company property, with the amount of capital they had 
themselves invested subject to forfeit if they should leave. Even the 
wheat which they raised must be sold at the company warehouse. 
Prices of the wheat which they sold, and of commodities, were set 
by the Company. 

This is not to say that the McLoughlin administration was notably 



unjust or inequitable. The employees and ex-employees of the Com- 
pany had all confidence in their chief, and saw no reason to want a 
change; but new arrivals who had known other circumstances realized 
that Company rule was a dictatorship from which there was no 
appeal. The independent American settlers, such as Ewing Young 
and his party, and the others not connected with the Hudson's Bay 
Company, found it very inconvenient, not to say irritating, at times 
to be so dependent on the British monopoly. Former Company 
servants like those on French Prairie, could easily, from habit as well 
as from necessity, accept their dependence. But others, including 
missionaries, were inclined to be restless under existing arrange- 
ments. They were strangers who had to establish credit; they wished 
for competitive shopping privileges and alternative markets. They 
wanted to own cows, not merely to rent them. It was not until the 
cattle monopoly was broken by Ewing Young and his associates 
(among them was Jason Lee) , and other stores were established by 
the Methodists, that normal independence began to become a reality. 

The business of the Hudson's Bay Company was fur trade and not 
settlement. But time and change were forces that the Honorable 
Company could not control. Employment by the concern was like 
enlistment in an army. When the term of service ended, a trapper 
might return to the place of enlistment for discharge, or re-enlist 
for one or more times during his (probably) short life. Louis 
LaBonte, Sr. did return to Montreal in 1828 for his discharge (about 
six months for a one-way trip) before settling down with his family. 
Obviously this procedure was, as a general rule, impractical. So Dr. 
McLoughlin evaded the rules by allowing retiring servants to settle 
in the Willamette Valley to work for themselves while their names 
still remained on the books. If a servant had as much as £ 50 sterling 
credit on the company books he was considered a good risk as a 
farmer-customer. Similar practices had been followed with respect to 
the Company's Red River colony. 

Company policy provided for raising its own supplies, although a 
separate concern, the Puget Sound Agricultural Company, had to be 
formed to handle an activity not included in the monopoly's charter. 
A few ex-servants would contribute to an enterprise that became 
more and more important as population increased and fur trade 
dwindled. But non-Company people kept arriving in numbers that 
were likely to double yearly. What could the Columbia River De- 
partment do about them? Dr. McLoughlin realized that he had 
neither the right nor the power to drive away free trappers and others 



who kept settling in the Willamette Valley along with the Company's 
own ex-servants. 12 

Actually, the Hudson's Bay Company did not discourage settle- 
ment unless it seemed likely to interfere with the fur trade, and it 
even welcomed colonization when it seemed advantageous. Further- 
more, it was practically forced by humanitarian reasons, the preserva- 
tion of order and prevention of competition, to extend help to others 
on much the same terms as those granted to Hudson's Bay Company 
ex-servants. As an immigrating trapper without adequate credit and 
no definite wish to become a farmer, Joe Meek was given no Com- 
pany assistance when he arrived in 1840. Others were helped. By 
1844 American debts to the Company totaled £ 6,606, 16s., 7d. Mc- 
Loughlin was between the devil of Company criticism for his 
necessary adjustment to American immigration and the deep blue 
sea of onrushing changes. 13 

Too far from policy makers and diplomats to foresee the ultimate 
consequences, and tempted by the power site at Willamette Falls, 
the Hudson's Bay Company and Dr. McLoughlin, officially and 
personally, permitted themselves to become involved south of the 
Columbia River, which they had known for years would be the 
farthest possible southern boundary British interests could eventual- 
ly expect for their own. But McLoughlin did advise Lee and other 
Americans to settle south of the Columbia and, with less success, had 
tried to strengthen the British element north of that river. 14 And 
so there was a considerable settlement, mostly of French- 
Canadians and their Indian wives and children, when Jason Lee ar- 
rived. 15 He thought that there were about a dozen families. When 
Rev. Samuel Parker visited the Willamette Valley in 1835 on behalf of 
the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, he re- 
ported an estimated twenty families. 16 By the next year the Hudson's 
Bay Company colony and the independent settlers were about equal 
in number. 17 

This was the situation that confronted Jason Lee and his little 
band of co-workers: a land sparsely inhabited by savages, some of 
them friendly, but many of them dangerously hostile, preferring to 
take scalps rather than to allow intruders to scare away their game; 
and a powerful British monopoly that was in almost complete control 
of the whole country, with which they must get along if they hoped 
to make any headway. But here was the beginning of the Church in 
Oregon, and the beginning of American settlement. 

Needless to say, the Methodist Mission was only a tiny light in a 
very large, dark room. It was like a little mission in a great mission 



field, surrounded by paganism and darkness, with the few exceptions 
noted. The candle's feeble rays could reach but a very little way, and 
at first they gave but slight illumination. But the work thus begun, 
like the light that God sent into our dark world — (John 1:5) "the 
darkness did not put it out" — went on and increased until we have 
churches and schools and colleges and society and industry and 
commerce and agriculture and transportation and communication 
and the civil government of today. 


Chapter II 
From Indian Mission to White Civilization 

It is impossible to go behind Jason Lee in Oregon History. Beyond him 
there were no schools, no churches, no homes, no agriculture, no Chris- 
tianity and no civilization. 1 

SO SAID ex-Governor T. T. Geer, who had himself been a pupil 
of Jason Lee's daughter, Lucy, at Willamette University. The 
sources of pioneer information which Mr. Geer carelessly followed 
overlooked the French Prairie homes that visitors praised, schools 
conducted by John Ball and Solomon Smith, the agricultural opera- 
tions of the Hudson's Bay Company, and its servants and ex-servants, 
and the requirements for religious improvement imposed on the 
monopoly by its charter. And only jealously guarded Hudson's Bay 
Company records could have revealed to the speaker the true facts 
concerning Company intentions. 

At Hudson's Bay Company stations, civilizing influences could 
have been noted. At Fort Vancouver, the Sabbath was strictly ob- 
served; and at that fort, Dr. McLoughlin would read a church service 
to hearers listening reverently. There was the school for employees 
of the Company conducted for a little time by John Ball at Fort 
Vancouver and for a little longer time by Solomon Smith. And there 
was, outside the fort, a whole row of log cabins for employees of the 
Company, where they lived with their Indian wives and half-caste 
children. There were similar cabins on French Prairie, with large 
fireplaces for heating and cooking. In a "country of falsehood and 
low cunning," John Ball boarded" in 1833 with J. B. Desportes, a 
half-breed whose family consisted of "two wives, besides one absent, 
by all seven children, four or five slaves, besides cats and dogs with- 
out number. All inhabited one room in common." 2 But Jason and 
Daniel Lee, a year later, appreciated "the hearty French welcome" 
which they received from the dozen families on French Prairie. 
Daniel Lee reported that they "seemed prosperous and happy." 
Lieutenant Wilkes, visiting in 1841, was much more favorably im- 
pressed with these people than he was with Americans in the country 
at the time, and he commented in his diary on their "cheerfulness 
and industry." In 1834, Solomon Smith was conducting schools for 
the French Prairie children. 3 

Before the great immigrations and subsequent better organization 



of church and school activities, progress toward civilization came by 
half steps. At their worst, trappers compared unfavorably with the 
Indians; at best, opportunities for better life were very limited. Con- 
spicuously high minded Jedediah Smith wrote a pathetic letter to 
his parents from east of the Rockies on December 24, 1829, asking 
to be remembered in their prayers as he lived in the roughest kind 
of society where there were few men of good morals. Michael 
LaFramboise has been called the most celebrated French-Canadian 
on the Pacific coast, and he was successful partly because he had a 
wife in practically every tribe. 4 Trappers who were good family men, 
and there were such men, had to move their half-breed children 
around with them. The fur hunters did educate themselves, many 
of them, in what they called the "Rocky Mountain College," but 
their children lacked advantages. Mountain Men rarely saw a priest 
or a preacher, heard a sermon, or took part in a religious service. 
The Bible, however, was well known to many trappers who were 
associated with regular Bible-reading leaders like Jedediah Smith, 
or who made good use of the trader's copy during periods of en- 
forced idleness in camp. 5 

A further half-step back of the Mountain Men were the Indians 
themselves. Their economy was one of hunting, fishing, digging roots 
and gathering herbs and berries — oftentimes a precarious existence. 
They were split up into small groups who were dependent upon 
what they could find rather than what they could produce. They 
raised no crops. They had no cattle, no sheep, pigs, chickens, or other 
animals except, sometimes, horses and dogs. Their most important 
business was to keep themselves alive by non-agricultural pursuits. 
True, like ourselves, they found relief in play and compensation in 
religion, but Indian religion was based on grateful reverence and 
superstitious dread. 6 In no feature of their lives could they mix well 
with those who were a full step removed from them in cultural 
development. The expectations of the Methodist missionaries were 
quite unrealistic. 

Jason Lee and the Mission Board of the Methodist Church seem 
to have expected at first that the Indians would be converted to the 
Christian religion, taught the arts of civilization and built into a 
Christian society. Experience in other Indian missions in older parts 
of the continent must have demonstrated that the process would take 
time. But apparently they failed to realize what a complete revolu- 
tion would be necessary. Lee soon discovered that he would have to 
build a whole new economy, and a whole new society, from the 
ground up. 



First, he and his helpers had to build with their own hands places 
in which to live. They had to do this, not from materials prepared in 
sawmills and factories and paint shops, but from primitive forests. 
And they had to use the crudest of tools. Walls were built from logs 
cut and hewn with axes. Roofs were split from fir blocks. Window 
frames had to be whittled out by axe and knife. Fields had to be 
fenced with rails split from the trees of the forest. There was not a 
wagon in the country, nor a wheel with which to make one. Wheels 
had to be made by sawing fir logs into sections and fitting them with 
axles of fir sapling; and, lacking iron, rawhide was used to keep the 
wheels from splitting. 

The missionaries came to preach to and to teach the Indians. In- 
stead, they had to spend most of their time at such hand labor as 
building shelters for themselves and fireplaces in which to cook their 
food. They had to grow their own food, and grind it Indian fashion 
with mortar and pestle, or journey many weary miles by horse to have 
a sack of grain ground at a flour mill. In 1835, they had fenced 24 
acres and raised garden vegetables, 150 bushels of wheat, 35 bushels 
of oats, 56 bushels of barley, 87 bushels of peas and 250 bushels of 
potatoes. The next year they raised 500 bushels of wheat, and there 
was a corresponding increase in other crops. Picture the giant mis- 
sionary leader whittling window sashes and hinges with his jack- 
knife, salting salmon, expertly swinging his axe and practicing the 
other necessary skills learned as a New England frontiersman. Indeed, 
until some time after the "Great Reinforcement" came in 1840, the 
missionaries had to devote much more of their time to manual labor 
than to spiritual matters. 7 

With the coming of the Great Reinforcement, however, the condi- 
tion of the mission was considerably improved. The ship Lausanne 
brought many supplies that the Methodists had not had heretofore; 
and the lay members of the company took over the manual labor of 
the mission, thus leaving the ministerial staff more free to do the 
work for which they had been specifically sent. 

No sooner had Jason Lee and his helpers gotten roofs over their 
heads in 1834 than they gathered the Indian children together — as 
well as a few adults — and began the work of teaching, not only the 
Bible, but reading, writing, and some manual accomplishments. And 
the Indians seemed willing to receive instruction. Soon the mission- 
aries had all the pupils they could accommodate with their limited 
facilities. By March, 1835, Cyrus Shepard took charge of instruc- 
tion. He had, in the meantime, been teaching at Fort Vancouver. 

All went well until some of the children became sick, and several of 



them died. The Indians came to suspect that the white men were 
poisoning, or casting an evil spell upon their children; and they 
began to plan vengeance. An Indian youth came to the mission with 
the avowed intent of killing Cyrus Shepard and Daniel Lee, but was 
dissuaded by another Indian boy. An Indian chief who had taken 
three of his sons to the mission school to have them educated lost two 
of them by death. He came to take his one remaining son home, but 
the boy died on the way. The report of these things soon spread far 
and wide among the Indians. The Indians began to ask, "Why should 
the neighborhood of the Mission be so fatal? Why should the Indian 
people die out in the vicinity of the missionaries? Did the mission- 
aries bring 'bad medicine'?" Their ideas of good and evil were 
couched in terms of "good medicine" and "bad medicine." 

During the summer of 1837, the enrollment in the school totalled 
forty. Being taught were Indians, half-breeds, orphans, even adults. 
Those who received daily instruction were trained to aid the mis- 
sionaries in teaching their own people. Unfortunately, by the end of 
the second year only two of the original wards were left. The rest 
either had died or fled for fear of dying. The mission was in peril 
of failure almost before it had a good start. 

Sickness did not come to the Indians alone. They were more 
seriously afflicted than the white people, for the natives were not 
prepared to withstand diseases against which the colonists had built 
up some resistance. Afflicted with malaria, or some such malady, 
Daniel Lee was compelled to go to the Sandwich Islands to regain 
his health, and ailing Jason, with Cyrus Shepard, carried on the work. 
A brief sojourn at Fort Vancouver was all that the mission's leader al- 
lowed himself by way of opportunity for recovery. 8 

For reasons other than the health difficulty, it soon became ap- 
parent that the process of building a Christian civilization among the 
Indians would not be a speedy one. It was evident that the Indians 
looked on praying as an easy means of obtaining their wants without 
working. W. H. Gray found the same misunderstanding among the 
Indians at The Dalles a few years afterward when he visited the 
station where Daniel Lee and H. K. W. Perkins were holding what 
was then thought to be a great life-changing revival among the In- 
dians. One Indian said: "I will pray a whole year if you will give me 
a shirt and a capote." The missionaries saw that it would take years 
of patient teaching to change the savage Indians' way of life to one 
comparable with the white man's civilization. 9 

It quickly became evident, too, that, not only would the work of 
converting and training the Indians for a Christian civilization be a 



long process, but that more missionaries would be needed. Women, 
as well as men, were essential, not only to teach but to show the 
Indians examples of Christian home life. The Indian wives of 
French-Canadians had never seen a Christian home and they had 
little idea of what one was like. 

In response to the request of Jason Lee, the Mission Board in 
1837 sent Susan Downing, Elvira Johnson, and Anna Maria Pitman; 
Alanson Beers and wife and two children; Elijah White, a physician, 
his wife and two children; W. H. Willson and J. L. Whitcomb. Alan- 
son Beers was a blacksmith and Willson was a carpenter. Susan 
Downing was already engaged to marry Cyrus Shepard and Anna 
Maria Pitman, though not yet engaged to Jason Lee, was expected 
to marry him. And everything came to pass to the mutual satisfaction 
of all concerned. Later that same year came David Leslie, a minister, 
his wife and three children; H. K. W. Perkins, minister; and Mar- 
garet Smith, a teacher. 

After the coming of this second reinforcement, it seemed advisable 
to enlarge the missionary program and, since there was concentration 
of Indians at The Dalles for the fisheries there, the plan was to 
establish a branch mission at that place. However, before those 
assigned left for their new station, a general consultation was held 
by the mission force at the Mission on the Willamette to consider 
whether it would not be advisable to attempt a still greater enlarge- 
ment of the missionary work in Oregon. There were many Indian 
tribes that were untouched and impossible to reach without addi- 
tional help — the tribes on the Umpqua, the Klickitats, the Clatsops, 
the Killamook (Tillamook) , Chinook, Nisqually, to name but a few. 
In view of the needs of all these tribes, the assembly passed a 
unanimous resolution to ask the* managers of the Missionary So- 
ciety to send additional reinforcements. And they pressed upon Jason 
Lee their unanimous judgment that he should go in person to make 
this request to the Mission Board and also to acquaint the public 
generally with the condition of the Oregon country, of the Indians, 
and to solicit men and means for the successful prosecution of the 
missionary work. 10 

Jason Lee did not wish to go, but his colleagues insisted. It was 
difficult for him to leave the Mission which he believed needed him, 
especially so early in its beginning. Besides, his bride of only a few 
months needed him, too. But she told him that she did not marry 
him to hinder his work but to advance it, and that if he felt this to 
be in the line of duty he must not stay on her account. And so he 
started on the journey that he knew would require an absence of 



approximately two years. The sad story has often been told of the 
death, soon after his departure, of Jason Lee's wife and infant son. 
And we have heard that, since he deemed it so important that Chris- 
tian women and homemakers be included in the missionary force, 
he married again and took his new wife to Oregon two years later. 
It is said that his return with a new helpmeet came as a distinct shock 
to the local missionary staff. 

The request which Jason Lee presented to the Mission Board 
called not only for ministers but for teachers, mechanics, physicians, 
and farmers. Indeed, in the unsettled wilds in which the Oregon 
Mission was struggling to establish itself, the missionaries had to 
devote so much of their time to producing the necessities of life that 
they needed manual laborers if they were to be free to devote time to 
the thing for which they had been sent to the Indians — the preaching 
and teaching of the Gospel. None could quite foresee the revolu- 
tionary changes which were to take place within the next few years. 
No one expected that the country would fill up with settlers so 
rapidly, or that stores, agriculture, and manufacture would soon 
make unnecessary the relatively large secular force which they then 
believed absolutely essential to the success of the Mission. A colleague 
later defended Lee against criticism because he had requested so 
many secular workers, declaring that, 

It is by no means certain that the Missionary Board with all its fore- 
sight, placed in the position that Mr. Lee and his brethren occupied in 
Oregon at the time, would have come to the same conclusion as to the 
needs of the Mission. 11 

The Mission Board listened to the plea of Jason Lee and ques- 
tioned him closely regarding the need for such a large missionary 
force, especially for so many lay workers, but it finally gave him even 
more than he asked. Though the members did come to a better un- 
derstanding of the situation in general, they did not seem to com- 
prehend the vital importance of qualifications for frontier missionary 
life. Jason Lee warned them that the people sent out should be very 
carefully selected. Though he chose most of the secular workers, the 
Bishops named the ministers and, in some cases, exercised very poor 
judgment. Some of the force sent on this undertaking were totally 
unfitted for a pioneer missionary situation. They made trouble while 
on the field and even before they reached it. 

There were fifty-three persons in the Great Reinforcement that 
came out under the authority of the Board of Missions of the Meth- 
odist Episcopal Church in 1840, as follows: 



George Abernethy, Mission treasurer, wife and two children. 

Thomas Adams, an Indian boy. 

Ira L. Babcock, physician, wife, and one child. 

Henry B. Brewer, farmer, and wife. 

Hamilton Campbell, carpenter, wife, and one child. 

David Carter, teacher. 

Joseph H. Frost, minister, wife, and one child. 

Gustavus Hines, minister, wife and one child. 

Lewis H. Judson, cabinet maker, wife and three children. 

W. H. Kone, minister, and wife. 

Orpha Lankton, teacher. 

Jason Lee, minister, and wife. 

James Olley, carpenter, and wife. 

Josiah L. Parrish, blacksmith, wife and three children. 

Almira Phelps, teacher. 

Elmira Phillips, teacher. 

W. W. Raymond, farmer, and wife. 

J. P. Richmond, M.D., minister, wife and four children. 

Alvin F. Waller, minister, wife and two children. 

Maria T. Ware, teacher. 

When this company of missionaries and their helpers and families 
arrived at Fort Vancouver on June I, 1840, they were kindly re- 
ceived by Dr. John McLoughlin, who extended to them the hos- 
pitality of the place for as long as they should find it convenient to 
remain. They did stay until June 13th, receiving and storing their 
goods. On that midsummer day they were called together by Jason 
Lee to consult together concerning the fixing of the appointments of 
the newly arrived missionaries. 12 

After due consideration the appointments of the nine ministers 
and lay helpers now connected with the Mission were fixed as fol- 

Jason Lee, Superintendent. 

Nisqually, situated near the head of Puget Sound, J. P. Richmond. 

Clatsop, near the mouth of the Columbia River, J. H. Frost. 

Umpqua, Gustavus Hines, W. W. Kone. 

The Dalles, Daniel Lee, H. K. W. Perkins. 

Willamette Station, David Leslie. 

Willamette Falls, Alvin F. Waller (but he was to remain at the Wil- 
lamette station for some months to assist in some mechanical work — 
especially the building of the mill at Mill Creek, near Chemekete.) 

W. H. Willson, of the secular department, was assigned to Nisqually 
to assist Mr. Richmond. 

H. B. Brewer, to The Dalles, as farmer. 

Dr. Ira L. Babcock, to The Dalles, as physician. 

Dr. White, physician, and all the rest of the mechanics and farmers 
were assigned to the central station at the "old mission." 



George Abernethy, as steward, and Miss Orpha Lankton as stewardess, 

to the "old mission." 
Thus before the middle of June all preliminary arrangements of the 
extension of the mission were completed and the several members of 
the mission were scattering east and west, north and south, to enter 
upon the fields assigned them. 13 

While these changes were taking place in the developing church in 
Oregon, some other things, vitally related to the church, and in- 
fluencing and being influenced by it, were transpiring. 

When Ewing Young and his party arrived in Oregon only a few 
weeks later than Jason Lee, he was put under the ban of the Hudson's 
Bay Company and ostracized by all the company employees. Indeed, 
he was under a cloud of suspicion in the whole community, a status 
which worsened when he and his partner, Lawrence Carmichael, 
decided to manufacture and sell intoxicants. Since, if intoxicants 
should be traded to the Indians, the work of the missionaries would 
be ruined — to say nothing of the Indians themselves — a temperance 
society was formed by the Methodists. From this group a committee 
of one, said to have been Jason Lee, went to see Mr. Young carrying 
a petition from the society. The petition remonstrated with the 
trader for launching his enterprise, offering to reimburse him for all 
that he had expended for his outfit if he would desist and agree not 
to continue the business. Since the request came from the Methodist 
Mission and not from the Hudson's Bay Company, Young was will- 
ing to acquiesce. 14 

Whatever may have been Lee's impression of Ewing Young before 
this episode, he was enough of a Yankee trader to broach the subject 
of forming a cattle company to go to California and bring back stock 
to break the monopoly under which all settlers, including the Meth- 
odists, suffered. We have been authoritatively informed by men who 
were on the scene from very early mission times that Jason Lee took 
the initiative. 15 If arrangements could be made, Young was willing 
to head the cattle company enterprise. But there were obstacles to 
be overcome: Ewing Young was under suspicion; and such an under- 
taking would cost considerable money. 

The first of these difficulties was solved by appointing P. L. Ed- 
wards of the Methodist Mission as treasurer of the enterprise, while 
Young commanded it. This arrangement was satisfactory to Young, 
and it won the confidence of the settlers. The matter of expense was 
handled in a unique way. Jason Lee subscribed $800.00 from Mission 
funds, and solicited contributions from settlers who greatly desired to 
get cattle. A goodly number of the colonists had accounts with the 



Hudson's Bay Company, with balances due them. These persons 
gave subscriptions in the form of orders on the Company. Others 
who were not so fortunately situated gave their time, at $1.00 per 
day, as herdsmen to go after the cattle. 

After he had secured these subscriptions, Mr. Lee personally went 
to Dr. McLoughlin and requested, and even insisted, that the 
amounts pledged for the purposes of the cattle company be for- 
warded by the Hudson's Bay Company. According to Lyman, "This 
was a bold move, and there is reason to believe what has been 
asserted, that it was opposed indirectly by the Hudson's Bay Com- 
pany at the outset." 16 This comment, made at the turn of the century 
by an excellent historian to the contrary notwithstanding, it is by 
no means clear that Dr. McLoughlin seriously objected to the proj- 
ect. The cattle company seems to have been initiated and carried 
out in a businesslike manner by the interested parties. The Hudson's 
Bay Company was interested in profit rather than in controversy with 
customers, and its concern was with acquisition of a sufficient number 
of cattle to make the venture really successful. To this end, along 
with Lee and others, including Purser William A. Slacum, President 
Jackson's commissioner to investigate the Oregon Country, the 
Hudson's Bay Company took stock in the enterprise. More cattle 
were brought back than were needed at the time, and there were 
jocular comments about the Spanish longhorns that made monopoly 
oxen seem tame by comparison. 17 Jason Lee played a vital part in 
this venture if, indeed, he did not actually initiate it, as Methodist 
historians insist. 

Although the arrival of the representative of an outspoken Presi- 
dent may have stirred latent nationalistic feelings among the few 
Americans in Oregon, it is doubtful if much besides local and mostly 
bread and butter issues entered into the relationships between Meth- 
odists and the Company at that early period. But Slacum's visit 
proved to the Methodists and others that the United States was not 
entirely indifferent to the possibilities of American colonization; 
and somehow a belief spread that the United States had a fund that 
it might use to help missionary work. When Lee journeyed east in 
1838 to get help from his Board, he took with him also a petition 
prepared by P. L. Edwards, Jason Lee and David Leslie and signed 
by every male member of the mission of the Willamette station, ten 
in number; by seventeen (other) American citizens, nearly all that 
were in the country, and by nine French Canadians who desired to 
become citizens of the United States. The signers constituted about 
three-fourths of all the white male inhabitants of the Willamette 



Valley at that time. This petition, or memorial, was entrusted to Lee 
for safe carriage to Washington, and for presentation to Congress. 
Mr. Hines commented: 

So intimately were the missionary work and American interests in 
Oregon interwoven that this great State paper must find a place in the 
annals of missionary history on this coast. 

The memorial pointed out the practicability of trade between 
Oregon and the Orient. It predicted the inevitability of settlement 
on the west coast and affirmed the importance of right character in 
those who would settle. But without a stable civil government, the 
petitioners argued, "a good community will hardly emigrate." Look- 
ing forward to the day when Hudson's Bay Company administration 
would become inadequate, the United States was urged to take 
formal and speedy possession. A more eloquent, tactful and states- 
manlike document has rarely been penned. 

The instructions which the assembled Oregon missionaries gave 
to Jason Lee were to the effect that he was to acquaint the Mission 
Board and the country generally with the nature and needs of the 
Oregon Mission, and of the growing settlement which was develop- 
ing. Also, he was to bring to attention the fact that there was a grow- 
ing sentiment in favor of the extension of United States' authority 
over the western region. 

The success of Lee's appeal to the Mission Board, and the sending 
out of the Great Reinforcement of 1840 are well known, but the 
other assignments given him were also taken care of in a masterly 
way by Jason Lee. He stopped at Washington on his eastward 
journey and interviewed Senator Linn, of Missouri. Mr. Linn 
presented the memorial to Congress on January 28, 1839. 

Within ten days Senator Linn presented a bill establishing a Terri- 
tory north of latitude 42° and west of the Rocky Mountains to be called 
Oregon Territory; authorizing the erection of a fort on the Columbia 
River, and the occupation of that country by the military force of the 
United States; establishing a port of entry, and requiring that the 
country should then be held subject to the revenue laws of the United 
States; with an appropriation of $50,000 for the opening of the work. 18 

Of course this legislation was not adopted by the Senate, for the 
treaty with Great Britain could not be so peremptorily set aside. 
Oregon was not made a Territory for another ten years, and matters 
were to take a somewhat different course than either Jason Lee or 



Senator Linn had in mind at the time. But the developing settlement 
in Oregon was beginning to make itself heard. 

As Jason Lee traveled extensively throughout the eastern states 
speaking on Oregon, whether he was specifically trying to encourage 
emigration to this territory or not, he was fully conscious that his 
message was arousing interest in such an enterprise. Furthermore, 
he was encouraged by the fact that there was thereby created the 
prospect that Oregon would be populated by the kind of people 
who would build a wholesome society — not the undesirable kind 
that the memorial to Congress warned against. So successful were his 
messages along this line that the Mission Board became alarmed 
and ordered that a statement be issued to the effect that the Method- 
ist Board of Missions was not sponsoring an emigration to Oregon. 19 

The first significant thing mentioned in the memorial which Lee 
carried to Congress was that of trade with the Orient. Lee himself 
took the lead in this important matter in 1840 when, on his return 
trip to Oregon, he interviewed the king of the Sandwich Islands and 
his counsellors and proposed to them that a system of trade be 
opened between the islands and the developing settlements in 
Oregon, for the "exchange of the produce of the country, consisting 
of sugar, molasses, coffee, indigo, etc., to which the king seemed 
heartily to concur. . . ." 20 No treaty of contract was made, but the 
approach may well have been influential. 

In connection with the homeward voyage, mention must be made 
of the improbable assertion that, since the United States government 
was unable to take possession of the Oregon Country, or to send any 
military protection, Jason Lee was given an under-cover grant from 
"the secret service fund" for furtherance of his colonization schemes. 
There was, however, no such fund at the time. 21 

Now there is no doubt that Jason Lee had a keen appreciation 
of the importance of government protection and the validation of 
the claims of settlers. He also foresaw the ultimate, not to say im- 
minent, settlement of the territory at the time when he carried the 
memorial to Congress. And upon the inquiry of Senator Caleb Cush- 
ing for further information, he wrote a rather lengthy letter from 
Middletown, Connecticut, January 16, 1839. We quote in part: 

... if the government of the United States takes such measures in 
respect to this territory as will secure the rights of the settlers, in the 
country, most of those who are now attached to the mission will remain 
as permanent settlers after the mission may no longer need their serv- 
ices. Hence it may be safely assumed that ours, in connection with the 
other settlers already there, is the commencement of a permanent 



settlement of the country. In view of this, it will be readily seen that 
we need two things at the hands of government for our protection and 

First, we need a guaranty from government that the possession of the 
land we take up and the improvements we make upon it will be as- 
sured to us . . . 

Secondly, we need the authority and protection of the government 
and laws of the United States to regulate the intercourse of the settlers 
with each other, protect them against the peculations and aggressions 
of the white settlers. 

To secure these objects it is not supposed that much of a military force 
will be necessary. If a suitable person should be sent out as a magistrate 
and governor of the Territory, the settlers would sustain his au- 
thority. . . 

And to whom shall we look, to whom can we look, for the establish- 
ment of wholesome laws to regulate our infant but rising settlements 
but to the Congress of our own beloved country? . . . 22 

That Jason Lee had a great deal to do with the emigration to 
Oregon there is no doubt whatever. On his trip of 1838-1839 he 
traveled throughout the eastern states and in the mid-west, speaking 
in eighty-eight cities and towns and describing Oregon as a desirable 
place in which to live. By visiting the nation's capital, he was in- 
strumental in getting Oregon very favorably impressed upon Con- 
gress. Indeed, it is doubtful if any man was more influential in 
stimulating American settlement of Oregon than was the eloquent 
missionary. But to say that he was more of a colonizer than a mission- 
ary is certainly erroneous. One does not cease to be a missionary just 
because an enlarged conception transforms him into a missionary 
statesman. Nor should one be called a petty politician because he has 
a deep and intelligent conviction of the necessity of civil government 
and its protection. 

The changes which Jason Lee anticipated burst upon him with 
frightening rapidity. When he and the Great Reinforcement arrived 
in 1840, the difference was clearly apparent. The Indian tribes 
among which new missions had been contemplated had been greatly 
diminished, and the country had received additional white inhabit- 
ants. Many of the staff wondered why they had been sent out. Why, 
indeed, Lee asked later, in his defense before the Board of Missions 
after he had been replaced, were so many laymen sent out if the plan 
to enlarge missionary effort among the Indians had not been the 
genuine objective? 23 But, as Gustavus Hines, one of those who ar- 
rived with the Great Reinforcement, phrased it, "The natives were 



wasting away during the time like the dew of the morning." 24 And 
Harvey K. Hines summed up the change in the words: ". . . in eight 
years (1842) his Indian Mission had graduated into a civil common- 
wealth." 25 

There can be no doubt that Lee had at first no thought in mind 
but development of a purely Indian mission. And when he left for 
the East in 1838 he intended to promote enlargement of his en- 
deavors among the Indians, among more tribes. But the white popu- 
lation, sucked into the vacuum left by near extinction of the native 
inhabitants, necessarily modified his administration of Methodist 
energies and influence. He had to swim, not with the tide, but with a 
flood of developments. True, he himself helped to open the flood 
gates, but without realizing fully the immediacy of the consequences. 
How could he know about missionaries sent out by other organiza- 
tions, or about the "Self Supporters" like J. S. Griffin and Ashael 
Munger and their wives? Hudson's Bay Company personnel com- 
plained of confusion resulting from too numerous, they thought, 
and too miscellaneous missionary arrivals. Or could he have antici- 
pated the influx of Rocky Mountain trappers forced westward by the 
declining fur business? James Douglas, Dr. McLoughlin's associate, 
listed fifteen Mountain Men immigrating in 1839. And there were 
others. By 1840 the population reached an estimated 200 persons. 26 
If the Indian Mission had all but evaporated, the nucleus of white 
civilization had already moved in. Missionaries, especially the Meth- 
odists, were, for a time, the dominant force in an altered environ- 


Chapter III 

From Indian Mission to White Civilization 


THE GREAT REINFORCEMENT from which Jason Lee ex- 
pected so much was more of a disappointment than a success. 
Some of the members of the party were not fitted for life in a frontier 
situation. At least some of them wanted to turn back at their first 
stop in South America. One wanted so much to stay in the Sandwich 
Islands. Others, when they arrived in Oregon, were discontented and 
unwilling to go to the posts assigned to them. It is not surprising 
that some began to write letters to the Missionary Board com- 
plaining of the way the Mission was conducted and questioning the 
wisdom of sending out such a large force. In view of the changed 
conditions in Oregon, the diminishing Indian population and the 
increasing white population, they could not understand why so many 
farmers, mechanics, and teachers had been sent to Oregon. 

Between 1840, when the Great Reinforcement was sent out, and 
1844 tremendous changes took place in Oregon. In 1842, there was 
quite an immigration, A goodly number of people settled at Wil- 
lamette Falls (Oregon City) with the result that what had been 
projected as an Indian Mission in 1840 developed into a white church 
by the time a building could be erected. In 1843, a great train of 
American settlers arrived, numbering not less than 875 persons. 
Most of them settled in the Willamette Valley. With farmers, 
mechanics, doctors, teachers, etc., everywhere, the need for a sub- 
sidized Indian Mission seemed more questionable than was the case 
before 1840. Great changes had to be made, consequently, both in 
disposal of missionary personnel and in the plan and extent of the 
Oregon Mission. 

Understandably enough, the Nisqually station on Puget Sound 
did not succeed. At that place the 1841 immigration from Canada 
first settled; there the Catholics had a successful mission; and the 
Hudson's Bay Company was making Nisqually the center of ex- 
tensive operations. Methodist activity there does seem to have been 
superfluous and foredoomed. 1 After about two years the Methodist 
station was abandoned, and the workers returned. J. P. Richmond 
and wife went to the States, and Mr. and Mrs. W. H. Willson to the 
Willamette station. 



The station which had been projected on the Umpqua, and to 
which Gustavus Hines and W. W. Kone had been appointed, also 
seems not to have been a success. Gustavus Hines was brought back to 
teach at the Indian Manual Labor School at Chemekete, and to 
preach at the "old mission" on the Willamette, about twelve miles 
north of that place. Rev. Kone and wife returned to their home in 
the east, along with J. H. Frost and family, who had been sent to 
Clatsop Plains on their first arrival. Daniel Lee, mostly because of ill 
health, gave up his post at The Dalles (Wascopam) , and, with his 
wife, returned to his home in New England. Rev. James Olley 
drowned in the Willamette River at Chemekete in 1842. 

The unrest and discontent within the mission and the changes 
in the situation in Oregon were such that, in 1843, it was decided 
that Jason Lee should again go to New York and set before the 
Mission Board the true state of things. It was not until February 3, 
1844, however, that he could embark on a boat for the Sandwich 
Islands. With him went his daughter Lucy, Gustavus Hines, with 
whom Lee had made his home since the death of his second wife, 
March 20, 1842, and Mrs. Hines, who had cared for Lee's infant 

David Leslie was left in charge of the Oregon Mission in the 
absence of Jason Lee. Working with him were only A. F. Waller 
at Willamette Falls, H. K. W. Perkins at The Dalles, J. L. Parrish, 
who had been sent to Clatsop to take the place of J. H. Frost, and 
the various lay helpers at these places and at the Indian Manual 
Labor School. 

When Lee and Hines arrived at the Sandwich Islands they were 
met by Dr. Ira L. Babcock, who had recently gone there for his 
health. Lee was informed that word had just come that he had 
been displaced as Superintendent of the Oregon Mission and that 
Rev. George Gary, who had been appointed to take his place, was 
on his way. 

Lee, who had had intimations that the Mission Board might send 
a representative to Oregon to investigate conditions, was hastening to 
New York, hoping to arrive in time to explain things in person, to 
save the unnecessary expense of such an investigation and also to 
save time. But now that news of a decision had come, he was in 
doubt whether to wait in the Islands for the arrival of Gary, return 
to Oregon to await his coming, or to go East as planned. It was 
finally decided that, since there was no boat leaving soon upon which 
both he and Hines could go while there was a boat leaving for 
Mexico almost immediately, he would take that boat, cross Mexico 


by land, and proceed via Washington to New York as speedily as 
possible. Gustavus Hines and wife and Lee's little daughter would 
return to Oregon along with Dr. Babcock. 

On April 23, 1844, David Leslie called the Mission staff together 
and arranged for Gustavus Hines to take charge at Oregon City while 
Alvin F. Waller was to be missionary to the Indians along the Wil- 
lamette River. The rest of the appointments were left as Jason Lee 
had arranged them. The Oregon Mission, therefore, when George 
Gary arrived on June 1, 1844, was as follows: 

David Leslie, Superintendent pro tem. 

Gustavus Hines, pastor at Oregon City and Tualatin Plains. 

Alvin F. Waller, missionary to the Indians along the Willamette River. 

H. K. W. Perkins, pastor at The Dalles. 

J. L. Parrish, pastor at Clatsop Plains. 

The work at The Dalles, Clatsop, and the work of Waller along 
the Willamette River, were distinctly Indian missions. The work at 
Oregon City had become purely white, like that of Oregon Institute. 
All those operations, together with the Indian Manual Labor School 
and the various secular departments at the various locations, con- 
stituted the Oregon Mission when Gary arrived on June 1, 1844. 

George Gary was sent to Oregon with plenipotentiary powers. He 
could make what modifications in policy he deemed expedient, 
even to the liquidation of mission property preparatory to withdraw- 
ing from the field. He had undoubtedly expected to consult with 
Jason Lee as well as to make a formal and personal examination 
of the whole situation, but Lee had been gone for four months be- 
fore he arrived. And the missionaries, he found, were not agreed as 
to what was the best course to pursue. It is well known that some 
of the oldest and best qualified of the missionaries were opposed to 
the policy which he finally adopted, 2 and it is evident that before 
Gary arrived he was already pretty well committed in his own mind 
to the liquidation of much of the mission property, and to a certain 
degree, to an abandonment of the secular work of the mission. 

Gary waited for what Gustavus Hines calls "sufficient time to 
make a careful survey"; but his brother, H. K. Hines, says it was 
"less than a week." When the Superintendent called the members of 
the mission together to consult as to what course to pursue, the 
meeting was held at the Indian Manual Labor School on June 7, 
1844. The appointments of preachers, made before Gary's arrival, 
were confirmed; but radical changes in mission policy were an- 



First, that all the mission claims should be disposed of with the ex- 
ception of those at Chemekete and The Dalles, and the Indian missions 
abandoned except at these two places, and the mill and stock and other 
mission property should be sold. 

Second, that the laymen connected with the missions should be dis- 
missed, and the Superintendent would pay their expenses home if they 
wished to go or, if they desired to remain in the country, pay them an 
equivalent of their passage home in such property as the Mission 
possessed in Oregon. 3 

Gary was about to carry out, it seems to us, a rather drastic and 
high-handed procedure for one who had been on the ground so 
short a time. He disregarded strenuous opposition on the part of some 
of the oldest and most trusted missionaries, and he acted without 
giving Jason Lee a chance to state his side of the case before final 
decision was made. Nevertheless, the new Superintendent represented 
the feeling of the Board of Missions at the time. Had Jason Lee had 
a hearing before it was too late, perhaps Board members might have 
supported him in his contention for the continuance of the Oregon 
Mission on the lines he had previously laid down. But now the die 
was cast, and the Indian Mission was to be closed, except at The 
Dalles and Chemekete. These, too, were closed before Gary left 
the field in July, 1847. The lay members of the Mission, seemingly 
well satisfied with the proposed change, were paid from $800 to 
$1,000 each in lieu of passage back to the States. Only one, Dr. Ira 
L. Babcock, elected to return home. The rest stayed to become 
permanent residents of Oregon. 

Among factors contributing to altered Methodist policy, in addi- 
tion to the sensational increase in population, was formation in 1843 
of the Provisional Government. A stable civil economy, and govern- 
ment independent of the Hudson's Bay Company, seemed to be 
soldidly established. Another consideration was the fact that there 
was need for retrenchment in the general operation of Foreign Mis- 
sions. The Oregon Mission was the most expensive project ever 
undertaken by the Board of Missions. 

On January 27, 1843, the Board's Oregon Committee estimated the 
amount of monies expended on the Oregon Mission, from the com- 
mencement till the present time (January 20, 1843) was $103,365.08. 4 

The decision to reduce drastically the costly Oregon Mission was 
not without precedent. Similar missions had been begun in Argentina 
and Brazil in 1836 and abandoned in 1841. Even though the Board 



seemed to feel that Jason Lee was right when, on arrival, he pled 
for the continuance of the Mission according to plan, the Treasurer 
of the Board was not convinced that the deficit thereby incurred 
was justifiable. Besides, it was too late to reverse the decision. 

In Oregon, about three weeks after the first meeting of June 7, an- 
other session convened on June 26, 1844 at the Indian Manual 
Labor School to consider selling that institution. After weighing the 
facts about diminishing Indian population in the vicinity, the de- 
cision was made to close the school. 5 Also ended were the mission 
at Clatsop with its farm, building, and livestock, the Mission store 
at Oregon City and all other Mission property at that place except 
the church and parsonage. 

In the disposal of the property, the employees of the Mission and 
the Methodist Church were given first chance to make purchases. 
This was as it should be, though it has been intimated by at least one 
historian that there were some others who would have liked to 
profit from the liquidation of the Methodist Mission. The Catholic 
Church, for instance, wanted to buy the Indian Manual Labor School 
and was willing to pay at least twice the sum paid by the Oregon 
Institute. But Mr. Gary regarded its continuance for purposes of 
white education as a Methodist Institution more in line with the 
purposes for which the Missionary Board had appropriated funds 
than sale to the Catholics for a higher sum. 6 

The facts are that the Indian Mission in Oregon had already be- 
come a Methodist Episcopal Church with varied activities which 
seemed to be demanded by the situation in which it was placed. The 
work at Oregon City, which began as an Indian Mission, became a 
white church in 1842. The same thing happened in other places 
where Indian Missions had been established. And the work of edu- 
cation which began as a school for Indians had so changed its nature 
that a school for white children and youth (Oregon Institute) had 
grown up near by. Though there was no Methodist Conference when 
the Oregon Institute was organized in 1842, Jason Lee called a meet- 
ing of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Oregon, which he and his 
associates had formed according to the constitution of the Church. 
And when they gathered together on October 26, 1842, they pledged 
themselves, as a regularly constituted church, to sponsor and support 
this first institution of higher education in Oregon. 7 

As early as 1837, only three years after Jason Lee had arrived in 
Oregon, he perceived that the Indian race was doomed unless it 
rapidly adopted the civilized manner of life of the white man. He 
knew also that when the advantages of this western land became 



known to the people of the eastern states and the middle west, it 
would quickly fill with people. But when emigration from the 
United States really got under way in 1841, 1842, and more especially 
in 1843, it was like a tidal wave swelling the white population of the 
country by smashing sweeps and changing the character of the whole 
economy. Immigration brought about the Provisional Government 
of Oregon, challenged the authority and preponderance of the 
Hudson's Bay Company, and also diminished the powerful influence 
which the Methodist Mission had exerted upon the American settlers 
and upon the social and economic life of the whole country. 

Local leaders of the Hudson's Bay Company early realized that the 
Methodists might become competitors. But those far away who were 
really in command, were unable to comprehend or adapt to changes 
that were taking place in Oregon. Friction between Dr. McLoughlin 
and his superiors developed over administrative adjustments to local 
revolutionary changes. Nevertheless, Dr. McLoughlin himself, when 
not in his "grizzly mood," was the very personification of courtesy 
and friendliness toward incoming settlers, including possible Meth- 
odist competitors. Many have testified to the help which the Chief 
Factor and other Company officials rendered them in the day of their 
distress. Rev. Gustavus Hines wrote: 

Innumerable have been the favors conferred upon the American 
missionaries and their assistance has been rendered at times when great 
inconvenience and even suffering would have resulted from neglect. 
For all these acts of kindness these gentlemen, with many others at 
various posts in the country, (equally as well disposed) are deserving 
of much praise. 8 

When Dr. McLoughlin saw change coming in the form of a 
permanent settlement of the country, he realized that it would be 
good business for the Hudson's Bay Company to adjust its policies. 
And he did succeed in winning the respect and gratitude of many 
immigrants who had set out from their homes in the East with the 
avowed intention of chasing the Hudson's Bay Company from 
Oregon. Indeed, the mercantile and shipping business of the Com- 
pany developed greatly as a result of American settlement. The 
settlers who were helped by the monopoly usually signed notes for 
the help they had received, and, though some defaulted, most of the 
beneficiaries became customers of the Company and helped to in- 
crease its business. 9 

To be sure, not all who came into the country as settlers formed 
any attachment for the Hudson's Bay Company. There were many 



who were bitter about what they regarded as monopolistic practices, 
not to say sharp dealing. In 1843 a petition was circulated among the 
settlers of the Willamette Valley condemning in strong language the 
doings of the Company. 10 

A contributing factor in the waning, comparatively, of the influ- 
ence of the Hudson's Bay Company and that of the Methodist Mission 
was the influx of the "Rocky Mountain Men" and other independent 
American settlers. There was continuing uncertainty about align- 
ments. Some of the immigrants of each year were won over to one or 
another leadership group by Good Samaritanism, conversion, eco- 
nomic interest, or argument. But many people did not take any 
more kindly to the dominance of religious organizations, Methodist, 
Presbyterian, or Catholic, than to Hudson's Bay Company rule. It 
is entirely possible that W. H. Gray's rather sardonic remarks were 
representative of the feelings of many of these settlers when he 

... it was necessary to use all the influence the Methodist Mission had. 
They, as a matter. of interest and policy, furnished such as showed a 
meek and humble disposition, labor, and such means as they could 
spare from their own store. 

Others were "left out in the cold." lx 

Since there was a growing body of settlers who were not animated 
by the same ideals as the original Methodists, the character of the 
emerging civil society began to take on a considerably different hue 
from that which Jason Lee and the Methodists generally would have 
desired. So much was this the case that those who finally succeeded 
in effecting a Provisional Government for Oregon felt that they had 
to work independently, and "behind the back" as it were, of the 
Methodist Mission in carrying out their plans. Indeed, they ma- 
neuvered, to a large extent, without the sanction or help of the 
religious leaders of any denomination. Factionalism among the 
Methodists themselves weakened the power, influence and initiative 
of the church group. Dr. Elijah White, ousted from the Mission, went 
east in 1841 and returned with governing authority in 1842 as Indian 
sub-agent. His moves as a non-Hudson's Bay Company governing 
force had a negative effect on the participation of some Methodists in 
the first Provisional Government, which was predominantly in the 
hands of non-Mission independents. 12 

Conscious of the advantages of the power site at Willamette Falls, 
and with the approval of his superior, Dr. McLoughlin claimed hold- 
ings that others were inclined to contest. Similar claims were made 



by Charles E. Pickett, for instance, and by Methodist Alvin F. Waller, 
who was appointed to Willamette Falls in 1840. H. K. Hines says 
that Lee believed that the claim of a British citizen (McLoughlin) 
would be regarded as invalid after the boundary question was settled 
and if his claim were contested. Nevertheless, Lee himself did not file 
on the coveted area for the Methodist Mission. Furthermore, we have 
his definite word that he had no idea, when he appointed Waller to 
Willamette Falls, that that man of initiative would file a claim to the 
property. Limited as we are for space, we must decline to assess the 
merits of the early water power controversy. 13 

Waller's claim at Willamette Falls had no connection with the 
Methodist Mission as such. The Methodist work in the area was 
mostly on the west side of the river. What property they had on the 
east side was acquired from Dr. McLoughlin by quit-claim deed, 14 
and, upon the dissolution of the Indian Missions under the adminis- 
tration of George Gary, sold back to Dr. McLoughlin, except the 
church and parsonage lots. Waller's claim lapsed by reason of his 
removal from Oregon City in 1844 and the appointment of Gustavus 
Hines as pastor at that place; but Congress ignored the claim of Dr. 
McLoughlin. 15 The fact that McLoughlin's claim was later recog- 
nized and restitution made to him, shortly before his death, is no 
proper part of this history of Methodist work in Oregon. And lack 
of space makes impossible rebuttal of bitter charges against one of 
our most respected and noble Methodist missionaries, Alvin Wal- 
ler. 16 

The Methodist Mission has been criticized because of its land 
holdings generally. The contest between Alvin Waller and Dr. Mc- 
Loughlin was merely an early and more publicized phase of a con- 
troversy that disturbed not only Oregon, but national politics. Jason 
Lee seems to have suggested to Senator Linn that every white male 
inhabitant of Oregon should be granted 640 acres of land, regardless 
of nationality. The Senator presented such a bill to Congress, but it 
did not pass in its original form. But settlers came to expect some 
such law as was finally enacted in 1850. Under the Donation Land 
Law, each mission station, as well as each white married male citizen 
or declarant, was granted a section of land. Since the Methodists 
were first in the field, they had secured some of the choicest locations 
before others arrived. The Catholics, too, took advantage of their 
privilege as rapidly as possible. When later settlers arrived and began 
their search for locations, there was considerable resentment against 
earlier claimants. The Oregon Institute had to use all the vigilance 
and ingenuity it possessed to keep claim jumpers from seizing the 



mile-square land claim on what is now the main part of the city of 
Salem, including the State Capitol grounds and the Willamette Uni- 
versity campus. 17 

The Dalles (Wascopam) Indian Mission also had its land claim 
prior to 1850, but sold it to the American Board of Commissioners 
for Foreign Missions. Dr. Whitman negotiated the deal with George 
Gary and took possession from William Roberts only a short time 
before the 1847 massacre. Later, after the Indians had been dealt 
with, The American Board sold the site back to the Methodists for 
the same nominal sum which they had paid. This was a fine example 
of reciprocal liberality. 18 

But during the Indian Wars the United States Army took posses- 
sion of the Mission property to establish an army base on it. Since the 
Indians had driven out the missionaries, the site was regarded by the 
Army as abandoned property. But the Methodists contended that 
there had been no permanent abandonment, but merely suspension 
of activities pending the end of hostilities. A distressing, partially 
successful litigation lasted for some years. The Third Annual Con- 
ference held at Oregon City in 1855 commended the action of the 
Agent of the Missionary Board in his negotiations over 341 acres, 
including those appropriated by the Military. They also recom- 
mended that the Agent enter notification and proofs in the land 
office of Washington Territory in behalf of the former Mission claim 
near Fort Nisqually. The account of the Methodist Mission claim at 
The Dalles is too long and involved for this record. Supposing their 
claim to be just and right, they sold lots to local purchasers to whom 
they eventually had to return the price paid after losing in a series 
of court tests. 19 

Jason Lee's group has also been criticized for Mission treatment of 
incoming immigrants. Dr. Whitman maintained something of a rest 
stop and supply house at Wailatpu for immigrants who came by his 
mission station. It was like an oasis in the desert, for he had taken 
precautions to raise an abundance of vegetables and to have a supply 
of flour on hand. Here he received travelers hospitably until they 
were rested and prepared to proceed on their journey. Even so, 
critics who were inclined to grumble found fault with him because he 
led them somewhat out of their way if they were to take advantage 
of such provisions; and also, because his prices were somewhat 
higher than in Missouri, they accused him of overcharging them. By 
comparison, however, the Methodists seemed unreasonably heartless. 
Robert Newell, who stopped at Wailatpu with a party in 1840, 
named a son after the good doctor. But at The Dalles, the way- 



farers were invited, not to warm meal, but to a prayer meeting. 
It was Sunday. The same thing happened when the immigrants from 
the mountains found Alvin F. Waller and Alanson Beers preaching 
to the Indians near the site of the present town of Milwaukee. On 
Sunday, a peck of small potatoes was reluctantly furnished the new- 
comers. 20 Bancroft quotes from one who interviewed Elisha Pack- 
wood of the lost immigrant party of 1845: 

. . . for rank selfishness, heartlessness, avarice, and a desire to take ad- 
vantage of the necessities of the emigrants to the utmost, the mission 
at The Dalles exceeded any other institution on the Northwest. This is 
a terrible charge, but a conversation with fifty different pioneers who 
crossed the plains in an early day will satisfy anyone of the fact. 21 

The accusations that came from a group of immigrants who suf- 
fered unusual distress and disappointment, published in a volume 
circulated by an unfriendly historian can scarcely be taken at face 
value. At worst, the missionaries at The Dalles should be somewhat 
excused because of the fact that their mission was on the verge of 
being abandoned, or turned over to the American Board. They did 
not have large resources, probably little more than enough for bare 
necessities; and they had to depend for many things upon the Hud- 
son's Bay Company. Nor did they know the country through which 
the immigrants were attempting to find a route any better than 
did the lost newcomers. But it is possible that, if Jason Lee and his 
associates disliked some of the arriving immigrants, their attitudes 
would have stimulated critcism. 

In rebuttal, Lee spoke as follows: 

Let it be remembered that they (the missionaries) carried at first 
ploughs, etc. These the people needed, and it was by means of these 
that the condition of the people has been so much improved. This has 
given them facilities they did not before possess, and they probably 
raised 5,000 bushels of wheat last year, more than they would have 
raised if the mission had not afforded these advantages to them. They 
raised enough for their families, and the Emigrants, and the H. B. 
Co. took, I think, not less than 10,000 bushels to Russia. Now the 
Mission expected to get something eventually, for they trusted them 
(the settlers) when they were poor. . . . The debts were being gradually 
paid. No man leaves the country in debt. There was but one instance, 
and he returned and paid everything. 

Without our Mission they could not have stayed in the country and 
they knew it. They told me when I reached Oregon last (1840) that 
they would have left the country unless I had taken out things and 
saved them from succumbing to the H. B. Co. 22 



To the Methodists at Oregon City, Medorum Crawford of the 
immigration of 1842 paid the following tribute: 

Our gratification on arriving safely after so long and perilous a journey 
was shared by these hospitable people, each of whom seemed anxious 
to give us hearty welcome and render us every assistance in his power. 23 

A fair appraisal of the helpfulness of the Methodist Mission to 
needy immigrants would accord to it considerable credit for fair 
dealing, and for benevolent treatment, to say the least. According to 
its means, it was not one whit behind the Hudson's Bay Company. 
And though the missionaries tried to conduct the affairs of the Mis- 
sion in such a manner as to justify their establishment as a business 
enterprise, neither did they forget the humanitarian nature of their 

The story of the Methodist Mission during the lifetime of Jason 
Lee is an account of the inevitable replacement of the Indian by a 
white civilization. Much can be and has been said to state the case of 
the Indian as well as that of the white man. It has been said that 
Jason Lee, as early as 1837, doubted the possibility that the Indian 
might, by adopting the white man's civilization, save himself from 
the destruction which surely awaited him if he failed to conform. 
Godly man that he was, he saw no inconsistency in the peopling of 
the Indian country if only the white settlers would treat the natives 
fairly and pay them a reasonable price for their lands. To be sure, 
he thought an effort should be made to change the Indian and make 
him a responsible member of society. But that the Indian had a right 
to continue in his savagery and keep the white man out seems never 
to have occurred to him. Indeed, he probably knew that the course 
of human events would make this impossible. It is ironical that it 
was the Protestant missionaries, the very ones who were supposed to 
mould the Indian into a Christian pattern which would guarantee 
his survival, who opened the sluice gates for the flood of immigration 
which so quickly wrought destruction of native society. 

We cannot but believe that God himself had something vital to do 
with the providence which sent the Indians for "the White Man's 
Book of Heaven," and stirred the response of the church in sending 
missionaries. We do believe that God finds a way to work out his 
purposes, and, in the case of Oregon, to surmount what might have 
been an impassable barrier to the settlement of the western land. 
And this may be said with all possible emphasis: the Christian mis- 
sionaries had nothing but the welfare of the Indians at heart when 
they came. They believed, and we still believe, that "there is nobody 



anywhere 'getting along pretty well' without Jesus Christ," as Bishop 
William F. McDowell used to say. The missionaries continued to have 
the welfare of the natives at heart long after they saw clearly the 
improbability of sufficiently rapid change on their part to save 
themselves in the face of advancing civilization. The Methodists con- 
tinued to give themselves unselfishly to the task of alleviating distress 
and preventing, as much as possible, injustice and unfair dealing. 


Neither Gustavus Hines nor his brother, Harvey K. Hines, mentions 
the names of those who were opposed to the policies of Jason Lee, 
though they do indicate that there was this friction in the mission 
family. But we are told that Dr. Elijah White, whom Lee had to 
dismiss from the mission, Rev. W. W. Kone and Dr. John P. Rich- 
mond were among the disaffected missionaries. At this time Gustavus 
Hines was perhaps the most outspoken critic. After Elijah White re- 
turned to Oregon as an Indian sub-agent, he and Gustavus Hines 
were associated in an expedition to the Indians east of the moun- 
tains. It is significant that Gustavus Hines has practically no word 
of criticism for the Hudson's Bay Company in any of his writings, 
though Jason Lee had severe criticism of that company's dealings 
when he made his defense before the Board of Missions. It is also 
known that Gustavus Hines had written the Board of Missions criti- 
cizing the conduct of the mission and its policies, though he had 
high regard for Jason Lee personally. Jason Lee knew of the differ- 
ence of opinion and, as he says, he had hoped to discuss the differ- 
ences face to face before the Board of Missions; but that, as it turned 
out, was impossible. 

When Lee left Oregon he put David Leslie in charge of the mis- 
sion. Soon afterward Leslie held a conference, appointing Gustavus 
Hines to Oregon City, but leaving Alvin Waller as missionary to 
the Indians along the Willamette River. Thus Waller could still live 
on his claim at the falls. But when Gary came, the first chance that 
appeared was seized upon to remove Waller and send him to The 
Dalles. Gustavus Hines regarded six days as ample time for Gary to 
make a thorough survey of the field before dissolving the mission, 
though Leslie, Waller and others were opposed. It is evident that the 
administration of Gary fitted in with the ideas of Hines. 

Another indication of the agreement of the two men is that in 
1845 Gary proposed that he (Gary) would return East, leaving Hines 



in charge of the mission, or Hines could return to the States and 
send a man to take his place as soon as possible. No criticism of 
Gary's revolutionary policy is to be found in the writings of either 
Gustavus Hines or H. K. Hines; though the latter frankly admits 
the tragic circumstance that at almost the very moment Jason Lee 
was getting the claims of the Oregon Mission validated by the Gov- 
ernment, Gary was getting rid of them in Oregon. Gustavus, in later 
years, had nothing but words of commendation for Lee. 

When Jason Lee called for reinforcements in 1838 he evidently 
expected to duplicate the Willamette Mission at the mouth of the 
Columbia, at Puget Sound and on the Umpqua. If he had had a 
group of missionaries with a missionary passion and a pioneering 
spirit such as his own and that of his nephew, Daniel Lee, Cyrus 
Shepard, David Leslie, and H. K. W. Perkins, it is probable that 
there would have been a different outcome to his Great Reinforce- 
ment of 1840. But as he said in his defense before the Board of 
Missions, July 1, 1844: 

The Oregon Committee must remember that I told them that the first 
question to be asked the applicant should be "Does your wife want to 
go?" and a negative answer should satisfy the Committee that such a 
person ought not to be sent. What was the fact in the case, why a num- 
ber of females were unwillingly dragged thousands of miles from home 
into a strange and savage country — and some of them, I know, would 
gladly have returned in the very steamer that took us to the Ship. It is 
a hard lot to go so far from home free from care and anxiety, but to 
endure such a voyage with a companion all the time looking back to 
home and reproaching one for having drawn her from that home is 
more than almost any one can endure. So far was this the case that I 
believe some would have gladly hidden in the very steamer that took 
us to the Ship sooner than have gone to Oregon. As affairs have now 
turned out, the laymen are not all needed in Oregon and some may re- 
turn or suffer themselves to be discharged in that country. 24 

It is fruitless to speculate as to the outcome if, instead of Hines 
and Kone, a man of the type of J. H. Wilbur had been sent to the 
Umpqua (as he later was, with such success) and if not Richmond, 
but men like Daniel Lee and H. K. W. Perkins had been assigned 
to Nisqually. Those sent, instead of doing the pioneer work neces- 
sary, began to write complaining letters to the Board of Missions. 

As for George Gary: as capable a man as he appears to be, one 
cannot avoid the conclusion that, if the Oregon Mission had waited 
for men of his temperament and lack of pioneering and missionary 
spirit, there would have been no Oregon Mission. 


Chapter IV 
Jason Lee's Place in Oregon History 

JASON LEE is so intimately related to the formation of everything 
that went into the building of an American state in the Oregon 
Country that no authentic history of Oregon can be written without 
giving him a prominent place in the record. He was not merely 
first in time, but first in influence, in foresight, in planning and in 
organizing much that goes into the making of a stable economy and 
an orderly state. 

Lee was the first to establish a permanent American settlement in 
Oregon, committed to agriculture, animal husbandry, trade and 
commerce, schools, churches, civilized society and organized govern- 
ment. Around the mission stations grew up colonies of permanent 
residents for a future state. 

Before the coming of the missionaries, there were no Christian 
homes in Oregon. Mrs. Marcus Whitman and Mrs. Henry Spalding 
were the first in 1836, but in 1837, in response to Lee's request, five 
women missionaries arrived in the Willamette settlement: Anna 
Maria Pittman, Susan Downing, Elvira Johnson, Mrs. Alanson 
Beers and Mrs. Elijah White. Their coming, together with the 
husbands of the last two named and two other men, signaled a new 
day in social and domestic relations for Oregon. 1 

Also, Jason Lee initiated the Church in Oregon. Except for fur 
company rituals, church services came to Oregon with the mission- 
aries. Jason Lee preached the first Christian sermon ever heard west 
of the Rocky Mountains. He preached at Fort Vancouver to the as- 
sembled Hudson's Bay Company employees and to Indians who 
were invited in. He preached in the homes of the French Canadians 
on the prairie named for them. And as soon as he had his mission 
building constructed, he held regular Bible study and preaching 
services, began to organize a church, baptized those professing con- 
version, and received them into the Church. In fact, in due time 
he organized the Methodist Episcopal Church according to the con- 
stitution of his denomination. And he was able to call together repre- 
sentatives of that church to sponsor officially the first institution of 
higher learning in Oregon. 

To Jason Lee belongs the honor of beginning the first sustained 
educational program in the Oregon country. His influence upon 
public education will be treated more at length in a later chapter. 



Suffice it to say here that with the founding of the Indian Mission 
School beside the Willamette River, Jason Lee and his helpers began 
the first work of public education in Oregon. Also, they initiated 
and organized the first institution of higher learning west of the 
Rocky Mountains, now called Willamette University. 

The Methodists, led by Lee, were the first and most important 
initial influence in transition moves to supplement, then supplant 
the dominating force of the Hudson's Bay Company. Some writers 
utterly ignore Lee's part in breaking up the cattle monopoly. The 
honor of initiating the project and suggesting plans that created 
confidence belongs to him. Thus a step was taken toward economic 
independence of settlers. 2 In spite of the kindness of Dr. McLoughlin, 
Lee knew that the objectives of the Company were so foreign to 
the purposes of his mission and to the needs and feelings of American 
colonists that, sooner or later, change would be inevitable. Funda- 
mentally, the interests of a fur company were best served by keep- 
ing the country wild and unsettled, while the objectives of the Mis- 
sion were to promote civilization and settlement. 3 

Besides dominating the economic scene, the Hudson's Bay Com- 
pany had the only political authority that could keep the peace. Jason 
Lee saw clearly that there must be an American government of some 
kind to safeguard the interest, on a self-authorized basis, of American 
citizens. A magistrate and a constable were appointed at the Meth- 
odist Mission as early as 1838, before Lee went East for the Great 
Reinforcement. Thus he left behind him the beginnings of civil 
government as he carried with him a memorial asking Congress 
to extend United States authority over the area; and he exerted per- 
sonal influence to see that the matter was presented to Congress. 4 
True, these preliminary attempts to form simple civil authority 
primarily involved members of the Methodist Mission and did not 
envisage jurisdiction over entirely independent American settlers. 

However, in 1841, when the true independent, Ewing Young, 
died leaving an estate with no known heirs, Jason Lee presided at a 
meeting called to consider disposition of the estate. He proposed 
that an organization be formed with a constitution and body of laws 
and with officers to administer these laws. In fact, he proposed that 
a civil government should be formed for all the territory south of 
the Columbia River, and he appointed a committee to draft a con- 
stitution and by-laws for such an organization; and he named an- 
other committee to deal with nominations for office. The fact that 
this plan did not materialize does not detract from the honor due 
Lee for foresight and sagacious planning. 



We cannot claim that Jason Lee was positively instrumental in 
the formation of the Provisional government of 1843. He was too 
conservative and perhaps somewhat disdainful of some of the persons 
and groups promoting the new organization. His steady aim was 
for the ultimate extension of the authority of the United States over 
the country rather than an independent government or a govern- 
ment by independents. He seemingly would have preferred a tem- 
porary, loosely organized, unity of British, Americans and Canadians. 
When that failed to materialize, he believed that, if given time, the 
United States would extend its authority over a country which the 
British and American governments both thought would one day be 
American territory. In the meantime, the best course would be to 
continue essentially as they were, the British and Canadians and the 
Americans administering their affairs as they had been doing. 5 

Since the sovereignty of the Oregon Country seemed likely to be 
determined by settlement, Lee's work as a colonizer as well as a 
missionary statesman, was an outstanding achievement. He traveled 
throughout the United States speaking on Oregon and arousing in- 
terest, not only in his Mission, but in peopling the country with 
desirable American citizens. So successful was he in this effort that 
the Board of Missions became aroused lest it should be regarded as 
engaged in a colonization scheme rather than a missionary enter- 

However, we would get a false impression of Jason Lee if we should 
think of him as first a colonizer at any stage of his career. He was 
first, last, and all the time a missionary. But he was a missionary 
statesman. He laid out his mission stations in strategic locations and 
endeavored to surround them with a nucleus of white settlement. 
His planning took in the Puget Sound region, the lower Columbia 
River Valley, southern Oregon and the Willamette Valley. He was 
anxious that the Methodist Church should be strategically located 
to serve the population which he foresaw would, in a few years, 
cover the whole Oregon Country. 6 

Again, Jason Lee was largely instrumental in securing legislation 
which established land titles in Oregon. He had been alert to the 
need for establishing land security from very early in his career in 
Oregon. He had mentioned the need in the memorial which he 
carried to Congress. And after he and others had labored to estab- 
lish farms and missions and other properties in Oregon it was only 
natural that they should desire that the work of their hands should 
not be taken from them because they had no legal titles. In his 1844 
statement to the Mission Board he said: 



. . . The Mission had obtained by possession a large tract of land in 
Oregon and, as a large emigration was pouring into that country he 
believed it a duty to the Board to immediately petition the Govern- 
ment of the United States to secure to the Missionary Soc. the right 
of possession ... if I went to Washington I could present the claims 
of the Soc. in a manner that would make a favorable impression. 
In my recent visit to the federal city I saw and conversed with Presi- 
dent, heads of departments, Senators, and members of the House of 
Representatives. I gave them my view of the things, and I think made 
a most favorable impression upon all. 7 

The legislation granting the claims of the Methodist Mission to 
a piece of property does not necessarily have any importance for 
Oregon history. But the fact that Jason Lee was instrumental in se- 
curing legislation securing land titles to settlers does have an im- 
portant bearing for Methodist historians. He had mentioned the 
need for security in the possession of property in the first memorial 
from Oregon to the Congress of the United States which he himself 
carried to Washington. He followed up by proposing legislation to 
Senator Linn. Such a law would probably have come in due time 
even if he had not suggested it. But the fact that he influenced Con- 
gress and that some such provision was contemplated for those who 
emigrated to Oregon was a strong inducement for colonization and 
cannot be overlooked in any complete history of Oregon. 

Jason Lee did not long survive his dismissal from the superintend- 
ency of the Oregon Mission. His exhausting and perilous journeys, 
his illness, and his arduous labors in behalf of Oregon and the Church 
sapped the vitality of even his rugged constitution, and he was real- 
ly a sick man when he reached his old home in Stanstead, Canada. 8 
Lee preached his last sermon in his native town in November, 1844. 
He had been offered a pastorate in his own New Hampshire Con- 
ference, but he had requested only one appointment: "Agent of 
the Oregon Institute." To this he was appointed and to this cause 
he gave most of the little estate he left behind — to it and to his in- 
fant daughter whom he had left with Rev. and Mrs. Gustavus Hines 
in far-off Oregon. 

On March 12, 1845 at the age of 41 years he breathed his last, and 
he was laid to rest near where he had been born. But Jason Lee's 
heart was in Oregon. To Oregon he had given his life. His two 
chief interests were still in Oregon: his daughter and the "Oregon 
Institute." Oregon itself was "home." For Oregon, as a common- 
wealth, he had labored long and consistently. What was more ap- 
propriate than that his mortal remains should rest in Oregon soil? 9 

It is to the eternal credit of the Columbia River Conference that 



it initiated the movement to bring the remains to Oregon; and it is 
likewise to the credit of the Oregon Conference that it joined in 
the enterprise and carried it to completion. 

The story of this project is contained in a memorial booklet re- 
cording the initiation movement, the addresses at the ceremony 
with pictures of Jason Lee and Lee Mission Cemetery, where his 
mortal remains now lie buried. The account is as follows: 

In the year 1904, Mrs. Smith French of The Dalles, Oregon held some 
correspondence with Col. Frederick D. Butterfield of Derby Line, 
Vermont, suggesting the desirability of moving the remains of Jason 
Lee from Stanstead, Canada to the Lee Mission Cemetery, Salem, 
Oregon. This resulted in the proposal on the part of Col. Butterfield to 
superintend and bear the entire expense of disinterring the remains 
and shipping them, with the tombstone, to Portland, Oregon, provided 
suitable arrangements were made to receive and reinter them. 

At the session of the Columbia River Conference of the M. E. Church 
held at The Dalles in 1904, Mrs. French had a resolution presented to 
accept the generous offer. Immediately the Conference took up the 
matter and appointed a committee of arrangements to unite with one 
on the part of the Oregon Conference, which joint committees were to 
have charge of the services and provide a program for the reinterment 
of Jason Lee's remains. These committees were: on the part of the 
Columbia River Conference, Rev. Robert A. Booth, Rev. Walton Skip- 
worth, and Mrs. Smith French. For the Oregon Conference, Dr. J. H. 
Coleman, Amadee M. Smith, and F. H. Grubbs. 

The remains were expressed from Derby Line to Portland, Oregon, 
in care of F. H. Grubbs, and deposited in the safety vault of the Title 
Guarantee and Trust Company, Chamber of Commerce Building, 
Portland, awaiting a suitable occasion for reinterment in Lee Mission 
Cemetery, Salem, Oregon. The time chosen was June 15th in connec- 
tion with the Sixty-second annual commencement of Willamette Uni- 
versity, June 15, 1906. 10 

The memorial service was held at the First Methodist Episcopal 
Church, Salem, Oregon, for "Rev. Jason Lee, Missionary, Colonizer, 
Founder of Willamette University." The following is the list of 

Hon. J. C. Moreland, Presiding at the services of the Pioneer As- 

Hon. W. D. Fenton, President of Oregon Historical Society. 

Rev. Dr. J. R. Wilson, Portland Academy, Vice-President of Oregon 
Historical Society. 

Hon. Harvey W. Scott, Editor of the Oregonian. 

Hon. Reuben P. Boise, Ex-Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of 



Hon. T. G. Bailey, Supreme Justice, and representing His Ex- 
cellency, the Governor of Oregon. 

Hon. Allen Weir, Representing His Excellency, the Governor 

of Washington, and Pioneer Association of 

Hon. B. L. Steeves, Lieut. -Governor, representing His Excellency, 

the Governor of Idaho. 

Rev. Myron Eells, Representing the Pioneer Association of 

Washington and the early Mission of the 
American Board of Commissioners for Foreign 

This was on June 15, 1906, sixty-one years after Jason Lee's death. 

Another fourteen years passed, and his portrait was hung in the 
House of Representatives in the Capitol of the State of Oregon. 
This honor, of course, did not come about spontaneously. 

At the session of the Oregon Annual Conference held in Salem, 
Oregon in 1919, Governor Benjamin Olcott, speaking to the Con- 
ference, exhibited some priceless historical documents, mention- 
ing the fact of his own Methodist antecedents, and commenting 
upon the connection of Methodist leaders with the early history of 

At the close of his address several resolutions were presented, 
among which was one by Rev. R. N. Avison, then Pastor of the First 
Methodist Church in Salem: 

On motion of R. N. Avison, the Methodist Historical Society was asked 
to investigate the feasibility of placing a painting of Jason Lee on the 
walls of the Hall of Representatives and report to the next Confer- 
ence. 11 

At the following Conference: 

John Parsons presented the annual report of the Oregon Methodist 
Historical Society to investigate the feasibility of placing a painting of 
Jason Lee on the wall of the House of Representatives, and 

"Whereas, the offer of the Conference to provide the painting and 
donate it to the state received the cordial approval of Governor Olcott, 
and the reservation is made for it just back of the Speaker's chair, and 

"Whereas, in executing the desire of the Conference, about $800.00 

expense will be incurred, 

"Therefore, Be It Resolved that the expense of the undertaking be 

apportioned among the districts as follows: 

Portland District §300.00 Salem District $250.00 

Eugene District 150.00 Klamath District 100.00" 



This money was raised, the picture provided... and the Journal of 
1920 records the following: 

Portrait Unveiling — 

C. E. Cline, announced the program for the unveiling of the Jason Lee 
portrait on Tuesday, October 26, 1920, as foil : _ \ 

Prayer, Rev. C. G. Donev. D.D., President Willamette University. 

Presentation of Painting to the Governor for Unveiling; 

Hon. T. A. McBride, Chief Justice of Oregon. 

Reception of Painting bv the Governor of Oregon. 

Address, Bishop William O. Shepard, D.D., LL.D. 

Reminiscences of Jason Lee, Mrs. Marie Campbell Smith, first female 

white child born in Oregon. 
Original Poem, written for the occasion, W. S. Gordon. 
Courage and hardships of Jason Lee. Hon. Robert A. Booth, son of a 

pioneer Circuit Rider. 
Jason Lee and Education in Oregon, Hon. Willis C. Hawley, membei 

of Congress. 
If Jason Lee Had Not Come, Edgar B. Piper, Editor of Morning 

Benediction, Rev. M. C. Wire. D.D. 

This program was carried out, with certain additions, as follows: 

Prayer, Rev. John Parsons. Secretarv of Oregon Methodist Historical 

Address by Hon. T. T. Geer, former Governor of Oregon. 12 

The portrait was placed back of the Speaker's chair in the House 
of Representatives in the presence of about 1000 people. Here it 
hung until the disastrous fire of April 25, 1935 destroved it. along 
with the Capitol Building itself. 

On July 2, 1S64 an act was passed bv Congress which read, in 

The President is authorized to invite each and all of the states to pro- 
vide and furnish statues in marble or bronze, not exceeding two in 
number for each state, of deceased persons who have been citizens 
thereof, and illustrious for their historic renown, or for distinguished 
civil or military service, such as each state may deem to be worthy of 
this commemoration: 

. . . and when so furnished, the same shall be placed in the Old Hall of 
the House of Representatives — which is set apart — as a national Statu- 
ary Hall for the purposes herein indicated. 

Statuary Hall is the most exclusive place on Capitol Hill. It was 
long the hall of the House of Representatives, and is one of the most 



beautiful places in Washington. "It is semi-circular in design hav- 
ing pillars of Potomac marble with white capitals and a ceiling like 
the Pantheon in Rome." 

Oregon was late in selecting its candidates to represent the State in 
Statuary Hall, but the Thirty-first Legislative Assembly, in 1921, 
adopted a joint resolution designating Dr. John McLoughlin and 
the Rev. Jason Lee as the proper persons to be the representatives 
of the State of Oregon in the national Statuary Hall in Washington, 
D.C. And a committee was appointed to take what steps were neces- 
sary to make effective this selection. The committee consisted of the 
Governor of the State of Oregon, the President of the Senate, the 
Speaker of the House of Representatives, the President of the Oregon 
State Historical Society, and the Secretary of the Oregon State 
Pioneer Association. 

The Thirty-sixth Legislative Assembly, in 1941, found the work 
still uncompleted, and renewed the resolution of 1921 with the same 
committee, consisting of the same officers of the state and the his- 
torical societies, but adding to the Commission: the President of 
the Portland Art Association, the President of the Oregon State 
Motor Association, Dr. William Wallace Youngson, W. B. Ayer, 
Charles H. Carey, Anne M. Mulheron, R. A. Booth, Amadee M. 
Smith, Rufus C. Holman and W. B. Van Duzer. 

It was not until February 14, 1953 that the statues were finally 
placed in Statuary Hall, with appropriate ceremonies. Presentation 
of the statue of Jason Lee was made by Douglas McKay, former 
Governor of Oregon, acceptance was stated by the Vice-President of 
the United States, Richard M. Nixon, and an address was delivered 
by the President of Willamette University, Dr. G. Herbert Smith. 
Other prominent persons who took part in the ceremony were 
the Senate Chaplain, Rev. Frederick Brown Harris, Bishop G. Brom- 
ley Oxnam, and Dr. Hurst Anderson, President of American Uni- 
versity, Washington, D.C. 

Replicas of these statues of John McLoughlin and Jason Lee had 
been placed on the State Capitol grounds at Salem previously, on 
February 2, 1953. The program for that occasion had been held in 
the House of Representatives at Salem, in joint session with the 
Senate, with a large assembly of the general public in attendance. 
The program follows: 

Opening remarks — Senator Eugene Marsh. 

Program Presentations, Burt Brown Barker, Presiding Chairman, 

Author of "Oregon, Prize of Discovery, Exploration, and Settlement" 

— written for the occasion. 



Invocation — The Rev. William Wallace Youngson. 

Address — "John McLoughlin, Benefactor of Oregon Settlers," 

Leslie M. Scott, Director, Oregon Historical Society. 
Address — "Jason Lee, Missionary and Colonizer," 

Dr. G. Herbert Smith, President of Willamette University. 
Presentation of the Statues — Howard C. Belton, President of State 

Senate, 43rd Legislative Assembly. 
Acceptance for the State of Oregon, 

Paul L. Patterson, Governor of Oregon. 
Benediction, The Reverend George H. Swift. 

Unveiling on the Grounds 

McLoughlin's Statue — Miss Emily Winch 

Great-Great-Grcat-Granddaughter of Dr. McLoughlin. 
Lee's Statue — Miss Ethel Waif Grubbs. 

Granddaughter of the Reverend Jason Lee. 

The Methodist Church, and especially the Oregon Conference, 
does well, at long last, to honor the memory of Jason Lee. And even 
the Board of Missions, which had been temporarily so misled as to 
dismiss him from his post as the Superintendent of the Oregon Mis- 
sion and give its sanction to the dissolution of his Mission, did 
well to observe the Centennial of Jason Lee by a nation-wide mis- 
sionary movement, putting on a pageant and sending a caravan with 
speakers and literature to glamorize the coming of Jason Lee to 
Oregon in 1834. 

The history and origin of states and of movements and causes 
lies in the story of the lives and sacrifices of those who have founded 
and defended them. The popular idol of today is soon forgotten, 
whether that be in Church or State, in sacred or secular affairs. But 
the one who writes his name large in the warp and woof and texture 
of a cause, a movement, or a state will be remembered and honored 
by those who come after him because of the thing for which he gave 
his life, and by thus giving made it live on. 

Many of Jason Lee's contemporaries were too near the time, with 
too short a perspective, to appreciate what he did. Even in their 
old age they revived the chorus of criticism. But later generations, 
with the advantage of greater distance, like those who view a majestic 
mountain peak, can get a more just and truer understanding of his 

We, who have had an opportunity to survey his influence from 
a distance great enough to gauge his importance rightly will agree 
with the words of Harvey W. Scott when he said: ". . . as we study 
it from the viewpoint of history and of consequences ... no name 
stands or will stand above that of Jason Lee." 13 


Chapter V 
A Fresh Start for Oregon Methodism 

THE REAL SUCCESSOR to Jason Lee was William Roberts. 
George Gary, however necessary to the working out of the plans 
and purposes of Divine Providence, was only a troublesome and 
seemingly destructive intermediary. John Parsons calls him "but a 
passing cloud." He came near wrecking the structure which Jason 
Lee had labored for ten years to build, but he did give a new direc- 
tion to the operations of the Oregon Missions, for good or ill, for all 
future time. 

There was one fundamental difference between the objectives and 
the administrations of Jason Lee and Roberts and those of George 
Gary: Lee and Roberts came to build the Methodist Church and 
the Kingdom of God in Oregon, and to invest their lives in that 
enterprise. George Gary came to do the work of reorganizing, or of 
disbanding, the Oregon Mission as quickly as possible, and then 
to get back home again. 

William Roberts, a friend of Jason Lee, shared that pioneer's 
missionary vision and passion. He had entertained Lee in his home 
in 1839. He was a member of the Board of Missions when his friend, 
in 1844, appeared before that body to defend himself against the 
charges that had been brought against him and his policies in Ore- 
gon. 1 When the Board requested him to assume the duties of Su- 
perintendent of the Oregon Mission, .upon Gary's resignation of 
that post, he accepted. It has been aptly said that "Jason Lee estab- 
lished a mission which had served its day; William Roberts organized 
a church." 2 

The Board of Missions is not to be blamed for superseding Jason 
Lee in the superintendency of the Oregon Mission and appointing 
George Gary in his place, nor for adopting new Mission policies. 
Neither should we blame Gary too much for dealing so drastically 
with the properties and personnel of the Mission. There are per- 
fectly understandable reasons why they took the course they did; 
and it is entirely possible, if not highly probable, that, if we of today 
had been in their places, we would have acted about as they did. 

In the first place, the Oregon Mission had developed into the 
most ambitious missionary enterprise in the Church, and the most 
costly. Many were grumbling about the amount that was being ex- 



pended on this one mission field, and they could not understand 
why so many secular workers were needed. Furthermore, results 
were not all that had been expected. Feelings of relief aroused by re- 
ports of the great revival among the Indians at The Dalles were 
dashed by the discovery that the inspiring results had occurred before 
the arrival of the Great Reinforcement and that no other spectacular 
developments along that line had followed. 3 

Second, the Mission Steward, George Abernethy, failed, contrary 
to instructions, to make any reports as to use made of the large ap- 
propriations for the Oregon Mission. He complained that he could 
not meet the requirement and at the same time do the things which 
the Superintendent demanded of him. He asked to be allowed to 
follow the instructions of the Superintendent and to be relieved 
of the obligation of making the reports. The Board refused to grant 
the request and demanded an accounting. 4 Still it got no report from 

Third, Jason Lee himself failed to make complete reports. In 
writing to the Board at various times on various subjects he some- 
times made excuses for delaying his financial reports. Again, he 
would promise that the report would be sent soon; but it never 
arrived. The Board of Missions in its annual reports had to make 
excuses to the general Church for the absence of reports from the 
Oregon Mission. 5 

In an interview just prior to his death, J. L. Whitcomb confirmed 
the Board's uneasiness. He testified that, for spiritual qualifications, 
Lee could scarcely be equaled. But he was not a financier; he was 
not qualified for handling large amounts of money; he was not 
qualified to have oversight in secular affairs. 6 Several equally adverse 
reports were brought to the attention of the Board of Missions by 
returning missionaries, or stated in letters from missionaries. Several 
of the dissatisfied lay helpers criticized not only the way in which 
the Mission was conducted, but the Superintendent himself. 7 

The most complete statement of objections to the policies of the 
Superintendent, however, was contained in a letter from Rev. Gus- 
tavus Hines in which that prominent missionary criticized nearly 
everything about the existing management of the Mission, but es- 
pecially its secular department. Specifically, he contended that sec- 
ular activities could have been taken care of as well, if not better 
and less expensively, by others. And the non-religious activities were 
not only unprofitable, but they brought the Mission into disrepute 
among the people of Oregon. For some settlers suspected that the 
Methodists were among them, not so much for spiritual betterment 



of the country, as for their own financial gain. Especially were these 
suspicions aroused when Methodist missionaries were noted to be 
"speculating" and taking advantage of opportunities to acquire real 
estate and other properties for themselves. Hines favored retrench- 
ment, even elimination of the secular department and confining 
the activities of the Mission to spiritual work. Besides, the Indians, 
for whom the Mission had been formed, were dying out; and not 
much could be done for them anyway. Not even the school which 
Jason Lee had regarded as so important was doing much for the 
natives, and there were no prospects that it ever would. 8 

The Board concluded that "Since the only reliable source of informa- 
tion to the Board was to be found in the missionaries themselves, and 
that the mission is some eleven thousand miles distant, requiring from 
a year to eighteen months for the interchange of correspondence, it 
was imperative that an Agent should be sent to Oregon to find out the 
facts." 9 

Even before they had received the disturbing letter of Gustavus 
Hines, the Board had recommended this course to the Bishop hav- 
ing charge of Foreign Missions. The Agent was to make all necessary 
inquiries concerning the financial and spiritual condition and pros- 
pects of the Mission and report to the Board. This was on February 
9, 1842, a year before Hines penned his letter. 

The Bishop appointed an agent. A list of instructions was drawn 
up defining his duties and directing him in the prosecution of his 
agency. But the man selected encountered such obstacles that he 
had to decline the appointment. Thus the hopes of the Board were 
again disappointed. Still, they adhered to the opinion that such an 
agency was indispensable, and at a regular meeting held July 19, 
1843, renewed the recommendation to the Bishop, either to ap- 
point an agent or to supersede Mr. Lee. The Bishop preferred the 
latter course and, at their regular meeting in the following Sep- 
tember, informed the Board that he had appointed the Rev. George 
Gary of the Black River Conference to the Superintendency of the 
Oregon Mission. 10 

What part Gustavus Hines' letter may have played in shaping the 
policy of George Gary when he assumed the superintendency, or 
what part it may have played in the action of the Board of Missions 
and of the Bishop, it would be impossible to say. Although it was 
written after the Board had become disturbed, it is evident from 
the parallel policies of George Gary and those stated in the letter 
that the Board probably knew of the contents of the missive before 



giving Gary his instructions. Jason Lee thought the letter had much 
influence. 11 Among those who believed that the new policy was not 
only inevitable, but for the best, was H. K. Hines, writing in later 
years, who said: 

First, it is to be observed that from the spring of 1838 to that of 1843, 
changes that have hardly a parallel in the history of races had occurred 
in the Willamette Valley. There the Indian race had practically melted 
away and left Lee and his helpers standing in the ashes of the harvest 
field swept as by fire. 12 

But of Jason Lee's statesmanlike grasp of the significance of Ore- 
gon, and his part in bringing about the fulfilment of his dream of 
an American Commonwealth on these western shores, Mr. Hines 
had nothing but praise. 

Mr. Lee was fully intent on fulfilling the vision that had long ago 
come to him of an American civilization spreading itself down the 
western slopes of the continent, over all the broad reaches of fertile 
lands that looked toward the Pacific. 13 

Later, Gustavus Hines, Lee's personal friend and the foster parent of 
little Lucy, seemed to outgrow some of his severe criticism of 1843. 
He apparently developed a growing appreciation of Lee, for he made, 
in his later writings, an able defense of the great missionary. 14 

One cannot help wishing that Lee and Gustavus Hines could have 
met in the presence of the Board of Missions and debated their dif- 
fering viewpoints before the fateful decision had been made to sup- 
plant Lee in the superintendency of the Oregon Mission. Lee had 
that object in mind when he and Hines embarked on board ship to 
return to New York to lay his case before the Board of Missions in 
1844. But after he received the news of Gary's appointment to take 
his place, he knew it was too late. So, as we have seen, Lee went on 
to New York, while Hines returned to Oregon. 

Lee made an able defense before the Board of Missions upon his 
arrival in New York, and, to the minds of most, fully vindicated 
not only his own integrity, but the course which he had attempted 
in Oregon. 15 If Gary had not already gone to Oregon it is almost 
certain that there would not have been any change at that time in 
the superintendency of the Oregon Mission. However, there would 
undoubtedly have been alterations in the policy and the operations 
of the Oregon project because of the changed situation in Oregon, 
for Lee would have admitted that some changes should have been 
made, and in all probability he would have made the proposals him- 



self. On the other hand, it is probable that Lee could not have con- 
tinued much longer in the superintendency for he was far from 
well before he reached New York. A new Superintendent would 
soon have had to be appointed, and new policies, probably not so 
revolutionary, would inevitably have come about. 

It may have been that William Roberts, instead of George Gary, 
could have been chosen Superintendent of the Oregon Mission 
when Jason Lee felt it necessary to retire, though it seems to have 
occurred at that time neither to the Board nor to the Bishop. But 
Roberts' interest was aroused by Lee's defense before the Board and 
when the call did come, at the end of Gary's brief service, he gladly 

William Roberts was thirty-four years of age when he came to 
Oregon. He had already served fourteen years in the Methodist 
Ministry and, with his fine education, had brilliant prospects in 
his home Conference. Indeed, some of the best pulpits were open 
to him. In later years a prominent layman of Oregon, Mr. J. K. Gill, 
remarked, "Dr. Roberts would have graced the Board of Bishops by 
his character and scholarship, and upheld its highest traditions by 
his eloquence and executive ability." 16 Here was the man who was 
to develop the remnants of the Oregon Mission into the Oregon 
and California Mission Conference, and from that into the Oregon 
Annual Conference. He was to serve honorably and efficiently for 
forty-one more years in the Oregon Country as the organizer of 
these Conferences and of the Idaho Mission, as District Superintend- 
ent and as Pastor, during a total ministry of fifty-five years. 

William Roberts and his wife and two sons, together with his 
friend, James H. Wilbur and his wife and daughter, took ship from 
New York, November 27, 1846. They arrived at the mouth of the 
Columbia River about seven months later, on June 23, 1847. That 
was a long voyage, via Cape Horn, but neither uneventful nor en- 
tirely a waste of that much time. These two men were good ministers 
of Christ, who believed in using their opportunities for witnessing 
for Him. They held divine services on shipboard and did personal 
evangelism among the sailors. When they reached San Francisco 
they held divine services there. They preached in San Francisco 
and Monterey. Wilbur organized the first Sunday School in Cali- 
fornia. 17 They organized the Methodist Episcopal Church in San 
Francisco, "undoubtedly the first Methodist Church ever organized 
south of the Willamette Valley on the Pacific Coast." 18 

John Parsons wrote, "William Roberts was the apostle of Meth- 
odism on the Pacific Coast"; but it would not have been true at first 



to say, "His field of labor extended from Southern California to 
British Columbia, and from Idaho and Utah to the Pacific Ocean," 19 
though that was true at a later date. The Oregon Mission, when 
Roberts arrived on the scene, consisted of nothing outside the Wil- 
lamette Valley except the Indian mission at The Dalles. And that 
Indian Mission had been sold, but not yet delivered, to Dr. Marcus 
Whitman and the American Board. Though the beginnings of 
Methodism on Puget Sound, at the mouth of the Columbia, and in 
Southern Oregon all disappeared, the churches at those locations 
proudly claim their descent from the earliest beginnings, and right- 
ly so. 

In July, 1847, George Gary and his wife left Oregon and William 
Roberts took charge of the Mission. One of the new Superintendent's 
first duties was to complete the transfer of the Indian Mission at The 
Dalles to the American Board Mission under Dr. Marcus Whitman. 
Both Alvin F. Waller, who was then in charge of that mission, and 
H. B. Brewer, the mission farmer, were opposed to the sale and 
transfer. Roberts carefully examined the matter and, though he 
seemingly agreed with Waller and Brewer as to the unwisdom of 
the deal, because it had already been arranged by Rev. Gary, he 
decided to go through with the agreement, and did so. The Ameri- 
can Board agreed to pay the Methodist Board of Missions about 
$600.00 for the fixtures and stock, but the real estate was given to 
the American Board as an outright gift 20 with the thought in mind 
that it was for Indian missions anyway and would so continue under 
different management. Rev. Gary believed that the Methodists had no 
call to administer an Indian mission east of the Cascade Mountains. 
But when, after the murder of Dr. Whitman and his party, the 
American Board wished to return the mission to the Methodists, 
Roberts quickly agreed to cancel their unpaid debt and take back 
the property on the same terms as those formerly agreed on. 21 

The Board of Missions was highly pleased with the promptness 
and the vigorous way in which Rev. Gary had disposed of the Mis- 
sion property and discharged the missionary personnel. In its annual 
report, dated June 19, 1845, it wrote: 

It affords us great pleasure to learn that the Superintendent of this 
mission had already done much toward adapting the agencies employed 
to the work to be performed. 

In other words, the secular aspects of the Mission, which new set- 
tlers were inclined to criticize, were being liquidated. Thus the 



Board put its stamp of approval upon the policies of George Gary 
and Gustavus Hines. 

The time was not too long before William Roberts began to detect 
weaknesses and grievous mistakes in the policies of his predecessor. 
It was his settled policy to fulfill every commitment previously made, 
however, as he did in the case of the sale of The Dalles mission, and 
that of a real estate transaction at Oregon City by which a part of 
the Mission grounds was traded for a piece of land that had little 
or no value. 22 

But since there were numerous other instances where he found 
the policies of Gary grievously at fault, he refused to follow slavish- 
ly his predecessor's lead. He had been in the superintendency of the 
Oregon Mission about five months when he wrote to the Board: 

... I am of the opinion that the Board ought to send a supply of goods 
to this place not only for the use of the mission families but to enable 
me to pay for some things that have to be done in goods. Almost every 
article of clothing here is 100 to 200 per ct. above N.Y. prices. I am 
under the necessity of having some work done for which goods would be 
most available. . . . 

Here Rev. Roberts pointed out how his actions differed from those 
of Rev. Gary. He did not travel about except he was taken. 

I travel incessently [sic] when the angry swolen [sic] rivers will per- 
mit, hence not only are my personal expenses greatly increased, but I 
must have a barn and Fodder; and a man or boy to work for me, and 
travel with me when on long and perilous journies. There is no Barn 
at the Institute and the Brethren spend nearly a third of their working 
hours in hunting and catching their horses, and sometimes fail to get 
to their work because no horse can be found. This must not be and I 
have no alternative but to build. I have already built one in this place. 
Bro. Leslie now lives at this place in a house which I hold at present 
but which may be redeemed at any time until the 23rd of February 
next. They have given me due notice that it will be redeemed and then 
he must vacate the premises; at that time there will be two of us to live 
with our families in one little one story house 18 by 22 or one of us 
must go to the Barn, for it is by no means certain that any house can 
be had for love or money. I refer to these things not to distress you 
much less to complain, for we are very happy amid it all and would 
be in a dungeon. 

He must have a house; he must have money. 23 He continued in the 
same letter: 

. . . now if I had some tea, coffee, flannel, Crockery, Calico stuff for 
pants, coarse Box coats or Blanket coats, made or unmade, some stout 



shoes or (Boots) ... I could, after supplying ourselves, dispose of 
them to the greatest advantage, together with the funds we have in 
this country in paying workmen, 8cC. 

It may seem strange to you that I make these suggestions in regard to 
goods: but if you were to hear the constant enquiry, Can't you furnish 
me with a pair of shoes? I will do anything for you for a coat, there is 
no coffee that I can get &C, &C you would feel as I do that for the 
present the truest economy is to keep a moderate supply of these 
necessities of life in the mission. 

About a year and a half later he wrote in the same strain: 

We are often enquired of by aged persons for spectacles to enable them 
to read the Bible. There is none to be had in Oregon. I think it within 
the range of doing good, to request you to send two or three dozen 
pair of common ones suitable for persons from middle age and onward, 
it will be a blessing to many. 24 

In the condition of society then existing in Oregon it would seem 
that the Methodist Mission not only had been rendering a necessary 
service by its secular department to its own people but also to many 
others; and William Roberts found it to be advisable to continue 
such aid. 

Again, the hasty sale of the Manual Labor School by George Gary 
to the Trustees of the Oregon Institute was not by any means a 
popular move among the missionaries and it would seem that the 
Board of Missions had some misgivings about the deal which had 
disposed of a $10,000 investment for about $4,000. Roberts was in- 
structed to ascertain the possibility of repurchasing the property 
from the Trustees of the Oregon Institute. When he investigated 
the transaction he was very much dissatisfied with the sale and posi- 
tively advised that it be repossessed by the Board of Missions. 

Because of the failure of the Provisional Government to make 
it legal for a corporation to hold property in its name, the Trustees 
of the Oregon Institute had arranged for one member of the Board, 
W. H. Willson, to hold it in his name. Concerning this arrange- 
ment, Roberts wrote to the Corresponding Secretary of the Board 
of Missions: 

The claim on which the building is located is now held by Wm. H. 
Wilson in trust for a Board of Managers and excepting the Buildings 
and a reserve of 60 acres, he is to have one third of all the claim for 
holding it &C. This arrangement was concocted before I came and 
consummated in the presence of Mr. Gary a day or two before he left. 
If Bro. Wilson were a thoroughgoing business man it might be a 



tolerable plan but as it is I dislike it exceedingly and am trying to per- 
suade him to give it into other hands. 25 

Roberts carried on some correspondence with the Trustees of 
the Institute with a view to the repurchasing of the School and hold- 
ing it in the name of the Board of Missions, as the Manual Labor 
School had been held, but to no avail. His dislike of the arrange- 
ments which had been worked out with George Gary led him to 
write to the Corresponding Secretary of the Missionary Society: 
"No man ought to have a private fund on property in a public 
institution." 26 Whether or not it would have been a wise course for 
the Missionary Society to repossess Oregon Institute, those familiar 
with the history of Willamette University know that much friction 
would have been averted if his suggestions had been followed. 

In Rev. Gary's haste to close out the secular department of the 
Oregon Mission, he entered into a number of business agreements 
with those who bought real estate, live stock, mills, stores, etc., on 
such terms that his successor was greatly disturbed. Rev. Roberts 
regarded Brother Gary as very slack in his business administration, 
or concluded that the ones to whom he had sold goods were either 
strongly inclined to take advantage of the new Superintendent 
or were downright dishonest. For instance, Judson and Willson 
bought the mills and property near the Institute and some lumber 
for a barn. Behind in their payments, they stated that Brother Gary 
had said that if their 1847 installments were paid, those of 1848 and 
1849 would probably be remitted by the Board of Missions, and 
they would certainly not be crowded. Roberts wrote: 

If I were to say a word here it would be this that I have not a particle 
of belief that the board ever ought or ever will remit a farthing for 
any such plea as it put in his letter [which Willson wrote to the 
Board] ... all this answers to baffle me in any attempt to collect notes. 

Another debt was for horses and cattle. Of this he said: 

He represents Bro. Gary as saying that if the interest was paid the 
principle would not be required at present. I think Bro. Gary never 
encouraged any such thing. 

Still another comment concerned a mission farm on the Clackamas 

Bro. Gary says I should give him [I.R. Robbs] a year's interest, $90. 
The installmt[s] for 1846 &/47 are behind and he says Bro. Gary told 
him he should not be hurried for payment and when it comes it is in 
the "chips and whetstones" currency of the country . . , 27 



Roberts wrote to Gary relative to one matter in which he said: 
"I dislike exceedingly these traditionary affairs, and especially in 
the conveyance of property." 28 In this particular case there was no 
written agreement whatever; the transaction seemed to be purely 
verbal, and now rested almost wholly upon the word of the man 
who had gotten the property. 

But not only did George Gary ruthlessly eliminate the secular 
department of the Mission, the Manual Labor School, the Indian 
mission at Clatsop, and bargain away the Indian mission at The 
Dalles, but he cut the mission force so severely that there were in- 
sufficient workers to expand with the increasing white settlements. 
William Roberts, writing to the Missionary society only five months 
after taking up his work, said: 

There are a few Local Preachers comeing [sic] in this season . . . who 
may help to some extent, but I do not see any way at all, with our 
present means to supply the Tualatin Plains or Clatsop or the extreme 
upper part of the Valley, much less any hope of touching any point 
North of the Columbia River, so that if you have received my former 
letter calling for two young men to come next season either over the 
mountains or by way Panama, my mind as to the necessity remains un- 
changed. 29 

Gary's policy was to cut down not only the secular department 
of the Mission and sell its material assets, but he had discharged the 
Mission personnel and dismissed some of the missionaries. His de- 
sign seemed to be to make the Oregon Mission as nearly self-sup- 
porting as possible. Roberts' policy was to expand with the develop- 
ing settlements on the west coast and lay the foundations for the 
Church and the Kingdom while the foundations of secular society 
were being laid. And to that end he worked relentlessly. He con- 
stantly traveled among and understood the condition of the pioneers 
— a thing which George Gary seemed not to have done. Roberts 

If Brother Gary were to go with me a few excursions perhaps he would 
a little modify the opinion he expressed that the people here are able 
to pay the table expenses of the preachers. In some places they might 
do a part of it, but in most, not anything. 30 

A year later, however, after some of the men had returned from 
the gold mines in California, he wrote: 

There is a strong probability I think that the people of this country 
will be better able to pay something toward the support of the gospel 



shortly than they have been. Some of them are returning from the 
mines with some quantities of gold. 31 

This slight easing of the financial burden was not an unmixed 
blessing, however. The gold craze had so taken hold of the country 
that there was a spirit of unrest and uncertainty such that many 
who were concerned for the spiritual values began to wonder if 
the discovery of gold in California were a blessing or a curse. Many 
of the members of the Church went to the gold fields and upon 
their return seemed to have lost their interest in the Church and 
religion. Roberts remarked in one of his letters that, if he had had 
a force of workers sufficient to have done so, it would have been 
a wise thing to appoint two or three preachers to go along with the 
gold seekers and minister to their spiritual needs in the mining 
country. As it was, he was greatly concerned for the work that had 
been started in California. 

About a year after Roberts began his work in Oregon there were 
eight persons in the employ of the Mission. These were William 
Roberts, David Leslie, James H. Wilbur, A. F. Waller, William 
Helm, J. L. Parrish, James O. Rayner, and John McKinney. There 
was also a young man, Chauncey S. Hosford, who at that time lived 
in the home of the Superintendent and was employed partly as an 
assistant in his traveling, and partly in direct pastoral work. Writ- 
ing to the Missionary Board, Roberts said: 

You will perceive that our work is enlarged considerably and while 
wars and rumors of wars are all around we are striving to endure 
with hardness as good soldiers of Jesus Christ. . . . The amount of labor 
performed by our Missionaries may be indicated in part by a glance 
at the extent of our work. At the present time this is confined to the 
Walamet valley and extends from Vancouver on the Columbia to the 
extreme upper settlement. . , 32 

There were at this time (1848) four pastoral appointments, as fol- 

Oregon City — David Leslie. (Roberts lived at Oregon City also.) 

The Oregon City appointment also included a little village at the head 
of navigation on the Willamette River twelve miles distant, later 
called Portland, where Roberts himself had preached in March, 1848. 
Also there was the little village of Clackamas, two miles distant. Here 
Leslie preached occasionally, but he was of advanced years and did 
not travel extensively. Probably he did not go at all to the little village 
of Portland. 

Salem Circuit — James H. 'Wilbur, A. F. Waller 



Wilbur was in charge, with Waller as assistant, or co-pastor. Services 
were being held at the Oregon Institute; and both lived there, Wilbur 
at the Institute, and Waller at his home near by. In addition to the 
Salem appointment, there was one on the Santiam River. 

The Yamhill Circuit — Josiah L. Parrish, J. O. Rayner 

The Yamhill Circuit lay between the Willamette River and the coast 
range of mountains and included the Tualatin Plains, Chehalem 
Valley, and the west side of the Willamette Valley as far as Rickreal on 
the south: "an extent of country some 75 miles in length and varying 
in breadth with the meanderings of the river and the encroachment of 
spurs jutting out from the Coast range mountains." 33 

The Calapooia Circuit — (formed 1847) — William Helm, John 

This circuit occupied both sides of the Willamette River from the 
Santiam and the Rickreal Rivers to the upper settlements of the valley. 

Thus it will be seen that the entire Willamette Valley was in- 
cluded in these four circuits. And seven men, besides the Superin- 
tendent and his young assistant, were trying to carry the whole 
load of reaching the settlers, almost on a door-to-door basis, over 
muddy roads where any road existed, and across rivers, sloughs, 
where there were only occasionally ferries, on horseback, or some- 
times by canoe or on foot. 

There were, of course, some local preachers in some of the cir- 
cuits. The Oregon City Circuit had two local preachers besides 
the pastor, David Leslie; the Salem Circuit, one; and the Yamhill 
Circuit, eight. These, of course, were a vital part of the system in 
which ordained ministers were so few, and the circuits so wide 
and so thinly populated. In 1848 the membership in the various 
churches was as follows: 

Oregon City and Clackamas 47 

Salem Circuit 115 

Yamhill Circuit 135 

Vancouver 13 

Tualatin Plains 7 

Total 317 34 

The appointments for the Oregon Mission for 1849 were as fol- 



Oregon City — David Leslie 

Yamhill Circuit — A. F. Waller, John McKinney, J. O. Rayner, Joseph 

H. Smith. 

Salem Circuit — William Helm, J. L. Parrish. 

Astoria and Clatsop — To be supplied. 

Principal of Oregon Institute — J. H. Wilbur. 

The statistics for 1848 do not follow the list of appointments for 
either the year previous nor the appointments for 1849. They are 
as follows: 

Oregon City and Clackamas 51 

Salem 105 and 1 colored member. 

Calapooia 36 

Mary's River 81 

Yamhill 147 

Tualatin Plains 16 

Portland 7 

443 and 1 colored member. 
Last year 317 

Increase 126 and 1 colored member. 

Circuits had been changed by dividing the Calapooia Circuit to 
form the Mary's River Circuit of that part which lay west of the 
Willamette River. Tualatin Plains had been taken from the Yamhill 
Circuit and appears here by itself. Portland was removed from 
the Oregon City Circuit to the extent that its statistics appear sepa- 
rately, though Roberts wrote to the Mission Board: 

Salem Circuit includes all our work east of the Walamet River except 
Oregon City, and Yamhill includes all west of the river except 
Clatsop. . . 35 

This statement ignored the Calapooia Circuit and the Mary's River 
Circuit which lay south of the territory which had, the year before, 
been considered the southern boundaries of the Salem Circuit and 
the Yamhill Circuit respectively. Note the size of the Oregon Mis- 
sion just previous to the formation of the Oregon and California 
Mission Conference. The mission personnel had been increased by 
the addition of Jos. H. Smith. Also, Wm. H. Willson and a local 
deacon by the name of Wilcox served for a time as co-pastors on 
the Tualatin Plains. 

It must be remembered that, by reason of Indian wars, these were 
years of great anxiety and disturbance. The outbreaks had burst 



suddenly upon the country very shortly after Roberts assumed his 
duties as Superintendent of the Oregon Mission. The settlers were 
startled and alarmed by the uprising on November 29, 1847, when 
Dr. Marcus Whitman and his party were cruelly murdered. It ap- 
peared that the whole country was threatened with the horrors of 
an Indian War. For weeks the people did not know the fate of the 
missionaries of the American Board who were stationed at The Dalles 
and east of the Cascade Mountains. The settlers of the Willamette 
Valley were called upon to go to the rescue, and to chastise the In- 
dian tribes who had committed this atrocity, and to catch and punish 
the murderers. 

The newly formed Provisional Government was caught unpre- 
pared for the emergency. It was without men or arms to fight a war, 
and without money to arm the volunteers who rushed to the defense 
of those in peril. The settlers had their rifles and their horses, which 
sufficed for their ordinary use of hunting and doing farm work, but 
they were not equipped to fight a war with the Indians. They ap- 
plied to the Hudson's Bay Company for arms and ammunition, of 
which the Monopoly had an ample supply in its warehouses, but 
James Douglas, the Chief Factor, affirmed that it was contrary to the 
instructions of his company to furnish those items. 

In this emergency the officers of the Provisional Government (of 
which George Abernethy was now Governor) called upon the Meth- 
odist Mission for help. William Roberts, in his capacity as Superin- 
tendent of the Mission, advanced $1,000.00 of Mission funds for 
the purpose. He was very reluctant to do so without the authoriza- 
tion of the Board of Missions, but there was no time to get such 
authorization. The missionaries of the American Board and all the 
white inhabitants of the region east of the Cascades were in mortal 
peril. So, without waiting for any authorization save that of moral 
responsibility, he acted to do what he could to save them. As it 
turned out, the Hudson's Bay Company acted to rescue the im- 
periled missionaries before the volunteers could get there and before 
the Indians learned that the volunteers were coming. The loan 
which Roberts had furnished the Government was repaid, but it is 
worth recording that the Methodist Mission rendered this service in 
the emergency. 

There were two serious obstacles to the progress of Methodist 
work in Oregon when William Roberts assumed the office of Super- 
intendent. It was no longer an Indian Mission with certain well- 
staffed and well-organized out-stations. Aside from Oregon City and 
Salem there was no extended system of circuits among a scattered 



population, and the work had to be carried on over all but impassa- 
ble roads (where roads of any kind existed) , and across rivers with- 
out bridges and only occasional ferries, and through swamps that 
were as wide as rivers and oftentimes as treacherous. 

The land laws of the Provisional Government provided that the 
settlers could take up mile square land claims. That induced the 
immigrants to scatter out over a very wide territory. As Roberts 

It is estimated that there was a population of 8,000 in the country 
previous to the arrival of the last Emigration, which itself amounted 
to from three to five thousand, but the difficulty is to find them. 3 ^ 

None but the most intrepid missionary could succeed under such 
conditions to lay the foundations of the Kingdom of God. That was 
the first difficulty. 

A second difficulty was in maintaining an itinerant ministry under 
such conditions. And no other could serve with any hope of success, 
if indeed it could exist at all. The people were too poor and too few 
to furnish support for a church and a ministry. The preachers must 
either be supported by the Mission Board, or they must find homes 
for themselves and furnish their own support. In that case, a few 
scattered local preachers would care for religious needs, limited in 
their activities by the fact that they were fixed in the locality of their 
own donation land claims. A few preachers were still left in the field 
after George Gary left, and a few others had been sent by the Board 
of Missions. A few more had been found by William Roberts after 
he took up the superintendency, but for the most part the work had 
to be done by local preachers who had no conference connection, and 
no way of ever acquiring membership in a conference. Under such 
conditions, even the preachers who were regular conference mem- 
bers were inclined to settle down in one place, upon donation land 
claims of their own, and serve churches or circuits within reach of 
their homes. The condition of the roads prevented them from going 
far, and oftentimes they could not go at all. Furthermore, they 
could not be moved to new charges even when the Superintendent 
felt it wise to reassign them. Roberts, writing of this problem, said: 

I never did believe in Itinerant preachers having local families and my 
submission to it in Oregon is with very poor grace, but the country is 
new — there are very few schools and but two parsonages. 

At this time, William Helm, Alvin Waller, and J. L. Parrish were 
all living on their own premises. Thus it was all but impossible for 



the Superintendent to develop an itinerant ministry. As Roberts 

. . . while their own houses and circuits are together it may not be so 
objectionable, but when conference comes it trammels the appoint- 
ments, in fact it works here just as it does at home. 37 

Long before Roberts wrote this letter to the Board of Missions, 
the Board itself had sensed the difficulty, possibly through the repre- 
sentations of Gustavus Hines. In the twenty-eighth annual report of 
the Board is this declaration: 

Brother Hines having returned to this country, the Superintendent 
has found it necessary to employ additional aid in the Willamette 
Valley. For this work he has selected Brother J. L. Parrish, a local 
preacher, who was formerly connected with the mission. 

We are informed also that there are other brethren who can be ac- 
ceptably employed in the mission, should the state of the work demand 
their services. From these favorable conditions, your Board indulges 
the hope that the day is not distant when this important field will be 
supplied with faithful and efficient laborers raised up in their midst. 

But to secure permanently the undivided and efficient labors of these 
brethren, it is judged that some new arrangement will be found 
necessary. As a general thing, brethren will hardly be willing to give up 
their business concerns and abandon their wordly prospects with only 
the hope of temporary employment in the ranks of our itinerancy. If 
they consent to make the sacrifices and endure the lot of the itinerant 
ministry, they will expect an equality of standing and to share in their 
immunities. To secure these, they must be recommended to and re- 
ceived by some Annual Conference in the States, or a Conference must 
be established in Oregon. 

The former course, as might easily be shown, would be attended with 
almost insuperable difficulties. It is therefore recommended to the next 
General Conference, as a matter of grave consideration whether it 
would not be conducive to the interests of our work in Oregon, to pro- 
vide forthwith for the organization of an Annual Conference in that 
country. 38 

It will be noticed that this conclusion was reached before William 
Roberts had time even to take up his work in Oregon. It is probable 
that Gustavus Hines and George Gary had foreseen the develop- 
ment of the white work in Oregon along the lines of Roberts' policy, 
and had reported much to the Missionary Board. In any event, the 
clear path of development of Methodism in Oregon was for the 
organization of a Conference on the Pacific Coast. This the Board 
of Missions asked of the General Conference of 1848. And this the 
General Conference granted. 


Chapter VI 
The Oregon and California Mission Conference 

WILLIAM ROBERTS felt deep concern for the Methodist work 
in California. His interest had continued ever since he and Wil- 
bur had organized the first Protestant church in San Francisco, start- 
ing the work in a field that was very promising. Furthering the work 
of the Kingdom of God in a place of rapidly multiplying settlements 
became their goal. Roberts had expressed the conviction, too, that 
if he had had the men to spare, it might have been a good thing to 
send preachers as spiritual guides for laymen who had gone to the 
gold mines. In a letter to the Board of Missions dated February 14, 
1849, he wrote of his desire to go to California and of his feeling of 
urgency. 1 

Rev. Roberts, after a lapse of about nine months, had not yet 
heard of the General Conference action authorizing the organiza- 
tion of the "Oregon and California Mission Conference." On April 
10, about eleven months after passage of the legislation, he did re- 
ceive a packet of letters from the Board of Missions dated September 
30, October 12, November 16 and November 21, together with one 
from Bishop Waugh dated September 25, 1848 notifying him of 
the fact that such a Conference had been authorized. The regular 
time for the annual meeting of members of the Mission was only 
about a week away. The last meeting of. the earlier organization was 
held April 18-19,' 1849. 

Items on the agenda were: the necessity of arranging their work 
for the succeeding period, such as rearranging circuits as needed; 
making any changes in personnel and appointments; and making 
reports to the Board of Missions. Though the authorization for the 
organization of a Conference was thus in hand before this last meet- 
ing of the Mission, the instructions stated that the time for such 
action was "either in September or October," so it was necessary to 
make plans for a period of about four months before the time set 
for the organization of a Conference. As Roberts wrote the Board of 
Missions, at that meeting all their business was transacted "in full 
view of the organization of our annual conference in the ensuing 
autumn." 2 Changes were made; and appointments have been noted 
in the previous chapter. 

No doubt it was at this final meeting of the Oregon Mission on 



April 18-19, 1849 that the specific date for the Organizing Confer- 
ence was set. September 5, 1849 was agreed upon, when all the min- 
isters who were eligible for membership in the new Conference 
should come together and organize themselves into an Annual 
Conference. We quote from the Journal: 

After some preliminary remarks by the Supt. and the reading of the 
following extract from Bishop Waugh's letter, dated Baltimore, Sep- 
tember 25, 1848 the meeting continued. 
Rev. William Roberts, Supt. of the Oregon Mission. 
Dear Brother: 

The General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church at its 
Session in May last, decreed that there shall be an annual Conference 
on the Pacific Coast, to embrace Oregon, California, and New Mexico 
to be called the Oregon and California Mission Conference; to be or- 
ganized as soon as practicable under the authority of the Episcopacy . . . 

You are hereby authorized and requested to adopt the most suitable 
measures for calling together at some specified time and place the 
preachers under your Superintendency for the purpose of carrying into 
effect the will of the General Conference and then and there organize 
the Said Conference under the title and style of "The Oregon and 
California Mission Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church." 

From the confidence reposed in your wisdom and fidelity, we hereby 
authorize and appoint you to preside . . . 

As president of Said Conference, you will, in the absence of a Bishop, 
arrange the appointments, station the preachers, take charge of all the 
Elders and deacons, traveling and local preachers and exhorters, and 
change, receive, and Suspend preachers in the interval of the Confer- 
ence Session as the Discipline directs. 

It is desired that the Conference be organized sometime during the 
autumn of 1849 — either in September or October — so that we may 
obtain official information thereof at the latest by the first of April, 

It must be remembered that, in the popular parlance of that day, 
"Oregon" was a very large territory. So, when the General Con- 
ference authorized an Annual Conference on the Pacific Coast "to 
embrace Oregon, California, and New Mexico," it was proposing 
a tremendous task for the Superintendent of that Conference. 4 

It will also be remembered that there were very few Methodist 
preachers in Oregon in 1 849. There were fewer still who were eligi- 
ble to be charter members of the new Conference. There were some 
local preachers and some located preachers, but when the prospective 
roll of the Conference was made up it was found that there were but 



six who could qualify as members in the active relation in some 
Conference: four of them in Oregon and two in California! They 

William Roberts of the New Jersey Conference 
David Leslie of the Providence Conference 
Alvin F. Waller of the Genesee Conference 
James H. Wilbur of the Black River Conference 
Isaac Owen of the Indiana Conference 
William Taylor of the Baltimore Conference 

H. K. Hines said of them: 

Measured by numbers it is one of the smallest lists that ever stood for 
an organized conference in Methodism. Measured by character, ability, 
by power to accomplish, it is one of the mightiest lists that ever stood 
at the head of church or empire between the eastern and western seas. 
Culture, eloquence, solid judgment, perseverence, bold and intense 
evangelism, true statesmanship were fully represented in the character 
and lives of these six men as in the lives of any other six men whose 
association at the beginning of an era of which they were the type in 
the history of Methodism. All are historic. 5 

William Roberts was one of the greatest circuit riders of all time 
— one who deserves to rank with Francis Asbury and John Wesley 
himself, and, as we have previously remarked, he was the true suc- 
cessor of Jason Lee. 

James H. Wilbur was the greatest Indian Missionary ever to rep- 
resent the Methodist Church in that capacity, and one who, for many 
years, acted as Indian Agent for the IT. S. Government; he is also 
remembered as the builder of the first church in the incipient city 
of Portland, and the one who organized and gave his name to Wilbur 
Academy. The town of Wilbur perpetuates his name. 

David Leslie was past his prime when the gold rush occurred, but 
he is to be honored for the many years in which he did effective 
service in the Oregon country, taking charge of the Oregon Mission 
in the absence of Jason Lee, and laying the foundations for the 
work on the Yamhill Circuit and also around Salem. His name is 
commemorated in the title of one of the fine churches of Salem, 
Leslie Memorial. 

Jesse Owen, not so well known in the Oregon country, having 
spent his ministry in Indiana and California, was the first Superin- 
tendent of the California District of the newly formed Oregon and 
California Mission Conference. 

Alvin Waller is noted for having built the first Protestant church 



west of the Rocky Mountains at Oregon City and the first substan- 
tial building at what is now Willamette University. A campus 
building, Waller Hall, is still called by his name. He was for many 
years the financial agent for Willamette University. 

Last, but by no means least, was William Taylor, one of the 
greatest of evangelists, not only in California, but in Africa, India, 
South America and other parts of the world. He was the only man 
ever elected to the General Conference as a layman and then elected 
a bishop. Books have been written on his life. 

There was no conference for these men to be admitted into, 
either by transfer or otherwise. The record says simply: 

The names of the following persons were put upon the list as members 
of Annual Conferences Eligable [sic] to membership in this. 

The authorization to "change, receive, and Suspend preachers in the 
interval of the Conference Session as the Discipline directs" was 
seemingly sufficient to enable the Superintendent to enroll these 
men as charter members of the Conference now being formed. 

After the Conference had thus been duly organized, it proceeded 
to receive others into the organization. Josiah L. Parrish was ad- 
mitted on trial as a Probationer from the Genesee Conference, where 
he had been admitted on trial the year previously. Joseph E. Parrott, 
John McKinney, and James O. Rayner were also admitted on trial. 
William Helm, a located Elder of the Kentucky Conference, was 
readmitted and made a member of the Conference. He had his own 
home and, as William Roberts had written the Board of Missions, 
the fact that one had a "located family" sometimes made it difficult 
for the Superintendent to appoint the preacher to another charge 
when that became advisable. But Helm declared that he would not 
embarrass the appointing power of the Superintendent because he 
lived in his own house, but would take a location if he could not go 
to an appointment by reason of being so situated. Upon this under- 
standing he was admitted to the Conference. 

Three significant things were done at this Organizing Conference 
besides the organization itself and the appointment of preachers to 
their respective stations or circuits for the coming year: First, the 
organization of "The Oregon and California Missionary Society." 
Oregon ministers were elected as the officers: William Roberts, 
President; David Leslie, Vice-President; Alvin F. Waller, Secretary; 
and James H. Wilbur, Treasurer. Every one of the four men who 
had organized the Conference was thus an elected officer in the Mis- 



sionary Society. But in addition to these officers there were named, 
as a Board of Managers, William H. Willson, Josiah L. Parrish, and 
John McKinney. These, too, were all in Oregon. Two of them were 
young ministers and the third had served as a pastor for a time as a 

The second item of business had to do with the Oregon Institute. 
The Committee on Education brought in a resolution, with lengthy 
whereases, which was adopted: 

Therefore, be it Resolved by this Conference, that we now appoint 
a Committee of two to take measures to secure the property; to apply 
to the Legislature of Oregon for a Suitable Charter; and transact such 
other business as the objects of the Institution may require. 

The By-laws of the Oregon Institute, upon its organization in 
1842, had provided that: 

the school should always be under the supervision of some branch of 
the Christian Church; and further, that it should be that branch that 
should first come forward and enter into a pledge to patronize and 
sustain the institution. 6 

Now that an Annual Conference had been regularly and officially 
organized in Oregon, the resolution regarding the Oregon Institute 
was a logical piece of business for this Organizing Conference; but 
it was as courageous an undertaking for the infant body as had been 
the initial action of the Oregon Mission under Jason Lee. 

The third significant piece of business transacted by the Confer- 
ence had to do with the support of the preachers. It was a plan for 
a Sustentation Fund for mutual assistance among the preachers of 
the Conference. It was a plan of self-support primarily, with the 
assistance of the Board of Missions as secondary. The newly con- 
stituted Conference Missionary Society was made responsible, if it 
had funds, in cases where there were deficiencies in quarterly al- 
lowances for pastoral table expenses and rent. 

. . . should not the necessary funds be found in the Treasury, then the 
deficiency shall be made up by the President of the Conference drawing 
upon the Treasurer of the Missionary Society at New York. 

We are not to suppose that the sole, or the main, purpose of the 
Missionary Society was to provide for the support of the preachers. 
They were serving in a missionary conference, even as they had 
formerly been directly dependent upon the Missionary Society for 
their support in the Oregon Mission. But they were now adopting 



a missionary program of their own in addition to coming to self 
support as a Methodist Church in Oregon. 

After these three pieces of important legislation were passed and 
other routine matters attended to, the appointments were read as 

Oregon and California Mission Conference 
William Roberts, Superintendent 

Oregon City and Portland — J. H. Wilbur, J. L. Parrish 
Salem Circuit — William Helm, J. O. Rayner, David Leslie (Super- 
Yamhill Circuit — John McKinney, Chauncey O. Hosford 
Mary's River Circuit — A. F. Waller, Joseph E. Parrott 
Astoria and Clatsop — To be supplied. 

San Francisco — William Taylor 
Sacramento City — Colluma Mills & Stockton — Isaac Owen, one to be 

Puebla, San Jose and Santa Cruze — To be supplied. 

The statistics of the Conference are available only for the churches 
in Oregon, as follows: 

There were but 348 church members: Oregon City, 30; Salem Circuit, 
109; Yamhill Circuit, 201; Calapooia Circuit, 8; and there were but 
three church buildings; one at Oregon City, one at Salem, and one on 
the Yamhill Circuit.? [According to H. K. Hines, though William 
Robert's mentions one on the Calapooia Circuit (probably at Mary's 
River — later Corvallis) in his report to the Board of Missions just 
prior to the organization of the Oregon and California mission Con- 
ference.] There were 56 probationers, 261 pupils in 9 Sunday Schools, 
and 17 Local Preachers. 8 

At the time of the organization of the Oregon and California Mis- 
sion Conference, only eight of the counties had been created: Clacka- 
mas, Champoeg (Marion) , Tuality (Washington) and Yamhill, all 
in 1843; Clatsop in 1844, Polk in 1845, Benton and Linn in 1847. 
The settlements were correspondingly few in number, and the post 
offices few and far between. There were Oregon City, Salem, Cane- 
mah, Portland, Albany, Bethel, Brownsville, Hillsborough, Mary's 
River, Milwaukie, Lafayette, Amity, Lebanon, Lexington (the fore- 
runner of Warrenton and the first County seat of Clatsop County) . 
The first house had been built in Albany, but little more. Belknap 



settlement was begun in 1848. Not all of these places had post offices 
at that time, but there were at least the beginnings of settlement. 9 

The Conference of 1850 met at Oregon City, Sept. 5th, for its 
second session with five members present: Williams Roberts, David 
Leslie, William Helm, Alvin Waller, and James H. Wilbur. That, 
however, was 100% attendance of the members in full connection in 
Oregon. The Superintendent informed the Conference that the two 
members from California, Isaac Owen and William Taylor, would 
not be present; for such was the nature of their work and such the 
difficulty of travel, that he did not deem it best for them to come; 
but he would hold a separate Conference with the brethren in Cali- 

At this Conference, Isaac McElroy, a Located Elder from the 
Indiana Conference was admitted to membership on his Certificate 
of Location. Matthew Lasiter was received on trial, being recom- 
mended by the Quarterly Conference of the San Francisco Circuit. 
James Corwin, a Located Elder from the Indiana Conference, was 
admitted to membership upon recommendation of the Quarterly 
Conference of the Stockton (Cal.) Circuit. Clinton Kelly, a Located 
Elder of the Louisville Conference of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church, South, was received upon recommendation of the Oregon 
City and Portland Circuit for recognition of orders in the Methodist 
Episcopal Church. The Superintendent also announced the transfer 
of Francis S. Hoyt from the New Jersey Conference to take charge 
of the Oregon Institute; S. D. Simonds from the Michigan Confer- 
ence, and Nehemiah Doane from the' Genesee Conference. Also, 
upon recommendation of the Quarterly Conference of the Oregon 
City and Portland Circuit, Albert Kelly, a Located Elder of the 
Louisville Conference, had his orders recognized and the Superin- 
tendent administered ordination vows. 

A significant item of business was the consideration of the ad- 
visability of "establishing an Institution of Learning at Portland, 
Washington County, Oregon." This was the beginning of Portland 
Academy, before Multnomah County was created. 

Another significant item was the consideration and adoption of 
the following resolution: 

Resolved that this Conference take immediate action in setting up a 
Book Concern and printing establishment to be located at Salem under 
the Supervision of the Conference, and that a Committee of three be 
appointed to carry the provisions of this Resolution into effect. 

William Roberts, Superintendent. 


The appointments for 1850-51: 

Oregon District 
Portland and the Columbia River — James H. Wilbur, James O. Ray- 

ner, one to be supplied. 
Salem — A. F. Waller, David Leslie (Supernumerary) 

"Bro. Waller to spend as much time in visiting the Indians at 
Grand Dalles of the Columbia as his duties in the Circuit will 
Calapooia — John McKinney and Joseph Parrott. 
Mary's River — William Helm, and one to be supplied. 
Yam Hill — Isaac McElroy. One to be supplied. 
Umpqua — One to be supplied. 
Astoria and Clatsop — Chauncey O. Hosford. 
Oregon Institute — F. S. Hoyt and Nehemiah Doane. 

California District 
Isaac Owen, Presiding Elder 

San Francisco and Happy Valley — William Taylor. One to be supplied. 
San Jose — One to be supplied. 
Santa Cruz — One to be supplied. 
San Joachin — One to be supplied. 
Stockton — James Corwin. 
Sacramento City — S. D. Simonds. 
Eldorado — Mathew [sic] Lasciter. 
Feather River — One to be supplied. 
Los Angeles — One to be supplied. 

Edward Bannister to take charge of a "Library Institution" yet to 
be organized in this District. 10 

Settlements were beginning to spring up with greater rapidity in 
Oregon, and the list of preaching places recognized in California 
gives evidence that the same thing was true, and in even greater 
degree, in the "Golden State." In Oregon the following post offices 
were established in 1850: Albany, Brownsville, Marysville, Tualatin, 
Syracuse, Molalla, Pleasant Hill, Saint Helens, Santyam Forks, Yam 
Hill Falls, Butteville, Umpqua City, Westport, and Winchester. 11 

The third session of the Oregon and California Mission Confer- 
ence met at the Oregon Institute at Salem on Sept. 3, 1851. The 
following persons were present to answer the roll call: William 
Roberts, David Leslie, Alvin F. Waller, James H. Wilbur, Isaac 
McElroy, F. S. Hoyt, and John Flinn. The men of the California 
District were again absent, but the following names were called as 
members of the Conference: Isaac Owen, Wm. Taylor, S. D. Simonds, 
M. C. Briggs, Edward Bannister, James Corwin. 

The Superintendent announced the following transfers into the 
Conference: David A. Dryden of the Ohio Conference; A. L. S. 



Bateman of the North Ohio Conference; Charles Maclay of the 
Baltimore Conference; and Calvin S. Kingsley, (who was present) 
of the Michigan Conference; Luther T. Woodward and J. W. Miller 
of the North Indiana Conference as preachers on trial. Joseph S. 
Smith, James Rogers and Alexander McLean were admitted into the 
Conference; and James O. Rayner was received in full membership. 
Joseph E. Parrott and C. O. Hosford were discontinued at their own 

Two disciplinary matters presented themselves. After careful ex- 
amination, the Conference declined to sustain the appeal of Henry 
S. Loveland from a decision of the Santa Cruz (California) Quar- 
terly Conference. And it was ruled that Isaac McElroy, who had 
recently married, was likely to be unable to render efficient service 
as a preacher. He was required to make a distinct pledge to renounce 
all claims upon the funds of the Conference in behalf of wife or 

Under the heading of character of the members of Conference the 
following were passed: William Helm — (located at his own request 
but later changed to supernumerary), F. S. Hoyt, C. S. Kingsley, 
Isaac Owen, William Taylor, James Corwin, S. D. Simonds, Edward 
Bannister, M. C. Briggs, Chas. Maclay. 

Two new educational institutions made their appearance at this 
Conference: Portland Academy, which had only been contemplated 
at the previous session, now reported a building nearly completed 
and "above embarrassment." It was recommended that two efficient 
teachers be appointed. The other school was Mary's River Academy 
on the Mary's River Circuit. This latter institution had obtained 
grants of land but had not yet begun to build. 

A significant sentence appears in the report of the Committee on 
Periodicals, declaring it to be the duty of each preacher in the Con- 
ference to pay special attention to the circulation of periodicals "in 
the several Post Offices in his charge." It is evident that many of the 
preachers served circuits upon which were several post offices and 
many scattered settlements. Had the quarterly conference records on 
the various circuits been preserved to this present time, the extent 
and the location of the various preaching places on the circuits 
named could now be definitely known. But most of them are un- 
fortunately beyond the possibility of recall. At this Conference the 
report of the Committee on Post Offices was presented and adopted, 
containing a list of the post offices in the Oregon District, but there 
is no indication as to which circuits were thus served. 

Another significant item of business of the Conference of 1851 



was the beginning of a written history of the Methodist Church in 
Oregon and California: C. S. Kingsley (Oregon) and S. D. Simonds 
(California) were appointed historians. They were to prepare up-to- 
date district histories of the Methodist Episcopal Church and trans- 
mit duplicates to the General Conference. That procedure was to 
be continued each four years. Each preacher was asked to prepare a 
similar chronicle for his circuit, entering his report in the Record- 
ing Steward's book and presenting a written statement to the histo- 
rian at each annual conference. The historian was to report to the 
conference any failure to comply. 

It would seem that this resolution had much more in view than 
the usual annual statistical report which the preachers now send 
to statistician and treasurer. It had to do with the beginnings of 
Methodism in the various settlements which were springing up, and 
also in some which had been established for ten to twenty-five years. 

It needs but little reflection to realize what the information thus 
asked for would have meant to later generations if this resolution 
had been carried out. But alas, many of the preachers then, even as 
now, either regarded what they were doing as of too little importance 
to record, or thought they were too busy making history to take time 
for writing it. 

By this time some of the charges were coming to a condition of 
self-support, and the Committee of Stewards declared: 

In the opinion of this Conf., Astoria and Clatsop Plains, Portland, 
Oregon City, Yam Hill, Salem, Mary's River, and Calapooia circuits 
are able and ought to support the men this Conf. may send them the 
coming year, and those who go to said charges shall most distinctly 
understand that they are to rely for their support upon their charges 
and that when it is evident that this cannot be realized, said preachers 
are to report themselves to the Supt. and await his further orders. 

At this Conference of 1851, also, the following preamble and 
resolutions were adopted: 

Whereas the relative position of the Oregon and California Districts 
renders it greatly inconvenient for the preachers of the two districts 
to attend the same Annual Conf. therefore — 

Resolved 1st. That the General Conf. of the M.E. Ch. be and hereby 
is respectfully requested to divide the Oregon and California Mission 
Conf. thereby creating two Annual Conf. The Northern to be called 
the Oregon Annual Conf. and the Southern the California Annual 
Conf. of the M. E. Church, the limits of each Conf. being designated 
by the boundaries of the country for which it is named. 



At the time of making this request for a division of the Oregon 
and California Mission Conference into two Annual Conferences 
there were ten pastoral charges in the California District, with eleven 
preachers and 534 church members. In the Oregon District there 
were eight pastoral charges, fifteen preachers, and 475 church 

The following is the list of Oregon District appointments for 

Oregon District 

William Roberts, P. E. — residing at Salem 

Portland and Vancouver — James H. Wilbur, C. S. Kingsley 

Oregon City and Clackamas — Nehemiah Doane 

Salem — A. F. Waller, David Leslie (Supernumerary) (William Helm 

Oregon Institute — F. S. Hoyt 

Calapooia — Luther T. Woodward, John McKinney 
Mary's River — John Flinn, Joseph Smith 
Yam Hill— John W. Miller 
Chehalem and Tualatin — Isaac McElroy 
Astoria and Clatsop — James O. Rayner 
Umpqua — To be supplied 
Grand Dalles of the Columbia — To be supplied 
Portland Academy — To be supplied 

Sixteen charges were listed for the California District of which Isaac 
Owen was Presiding Elder. New Mexico was a separate district. 12 

During the year 1851 the following post, offices were established 
in Oregon: Champoeg, Chehalem, Dayton, Elk ton, Gardiner's City, 
Santyam (afterward Lebanon) , Luckiamute, Rickreal, Lafayette, 
Santiam Forks, The Dalles, Willamette Forks, North Yamhill, Yon- 
calla. Albany got its first school, Deer Creek (afterward named 
Roseburg) had its first settler, Forest Grove was named, and Jeffer- 
son got its ferry. 13 

The fourth and last session of the Oregon and California Mission 
Conference convened on September 2, 1852 at the Methodist Epis- 
copal Church in Portland. The following answered the roll call: 
William Roberts, J. H. Wilbur, C. S. Kingsley, Nehemiah Doane, 
A. F. Waller, F. S. Hoyt, John Flinn, Isaac McElroy, and J. O. 
Rayner. The Superintendent introduced three more ministers and 
announced their transfer into the Conference: T. H. Pearne, P. G. 
Buchanan, and Isaac Dillon. 

At the very beginning of the Conference doubt was expressed as 
to whether they were meeting in the capacity of an Oregon Annual 



Conference or as the Oregon and California Mission Conference, 
and a ruling of the chair was asked to determine the question. In 
consequence, President Roberts gave his written opinion — that this 
was the fourth session of the Oregon and California Mission Con- 
ference, and not the Oregon Annual Conference. 

Rev. J. D. Boon, an elder of the Missionary Baptist Church, being 
duly recommended by the Salem Circuit Quarterly Conference, was 
recognized as an Elder, and it was voted that, upon his taking ordi- 
nation vows, he was to be received into the Conference. The follow- 
ing men were called and their characters passed: L. T. Woodward, 
Thos. H. Pearne, C. S. Kingsley, A. F. Waller, J. H. Wilbur, David 
Leslie (who was given the superannuated relation) , P. G. Buchanan, 
William Helm (given the supernumerary relation) . Thomas 
Pearne was called to the chair and the Superintendent, William 
Roberts, was called, his character passed, and then he gave his report 
of the work of the Conference in both Oregon and California. Also 
the following men from California had their characters cleared: 
Isaac Owen, William Taylor, James Corwin, S. D. Simonds, Edward 
Bannister, M. C. Briggs, Charles Maclay, H. C. Benson, W. I. Ma- 
clay, E. Merchant, F. B. Sheldon, I. H. Caldwell, A. Bland, A. L. S. 
Batemen, I. Fish, R. Strattan, and B. S. Phillips. The Journal of the 
sessions of the California District not being a part of the official 
papers of the Oregon Conference, we have no record of the recep- 
tion of most of these men into the Conference. 

In the session of the previous year, a resolution had been passed 
providing for a Conference Historian and instructing the preachers 
to formulate the history of Methodism to the present time on their 
respective charges and to give certain historical data to the Historian. 
But since, at the 1852 session, it appeared that very little had been 
done about the matter, a resolution was passed to request each 
member to comply with the resolution during the coming year. 

At this session, too, a petition was presented from the Calapooia 
Circuit asking that the Conference receive the Santiam Academy at 
Lebanon under its supervision. 

In the passage of character one name had been significantly 
omitted: that of Isaac McElroy, against whom certain charges had 
been preferred. Since the device of hearing such cases by a special 
committee, and then passing upon them in executive session, had 
not yet been adopted, he was tried in open Conference. His apolo- 
gists suggested insanity. His trial occupies 19 pages of the Journal 
of 1852. Rev. McElroy was located "at his own request." 

Another significant matter was discussed at length in this Con- 



ference. It had to do with the advisability of publishing a religious 
paper. The conclusion was: "It is the opinion of this Conference 
that the time has fully come when we should make a vigorous move 
toward the publication of a religious paper." A committee of seven, 
consisting of T. H. Pearne, William Roberts, J. H. Wilbur, A. F. 
Waller, P. G. Buchanan, C. S. Kingsley, and F. S. Hoyt, was named 
to communicate with the Missionary Board in New York with ref- 
erence to securing some aid in making arrangements for a publica- 
tion. This, we may believe, was the inception of The Pacific Chris- 
tian Advocate. 

Previous attempts to secure a charter for the Oregon Institute 
having failed, a Committee was appointed to procure a charter for 
the "University and Institute" and for Portland Academy. 

After the transaction of many items of business of more or less 
importance, and selecting officers and committees for the coming 
year, the Conference voted to hold its next session at Belknap Settle- 
ment. This was expected to be the Organizing Conference of the 
projected Oregon Annual Conference. It is remarkable that Belknap 
Settlement at no time appears in the list of Conference appoint- 
ments. It was probably at the time a preaching point on the Mary's 
River Circuit, though there is nothing in the Conference records 
to fix its location. It was near the present village of Alpine. 

Appointments for 1852-1853 were made as follows: 

"Willamet" District 
William Roberts, P. £. 
Salem — A. F. Waller, William Helm, Supr. 
Oregon Institute — F. S. Hoyt, Principal; Isaac Dillon 
Calapooia — L. T. Woodward, one to be supplied 
Yam Hill— James H. Wilbur 
Chehalem and Tualatin — John W. Miller 
Oregon City — Nehemiah Doane 
Portland Academy — P. G. Buchanan 
St. Helens and Cowlitz — To be supplied 
Clatsop and Astoria — To be supplied 
Olympia — To be supplied 
Dalles of the Columbia — To be supplied 

Mary's River District 
Thomas H. Pearne, P. E. 
Mary's River — John Flinn, one to be supplied 
Spencer's Butte — One to be supplied 
McKenzies Fork — One to be supplied 
Winchester — James O. Rayner 
Scottsburg — To be supplied 



South Umpqua — To be supplied 
Jacksonville — Joseph S. Smith 
Applegate Creek — To be supplied 

To 20 pastoral charges, including two educational institutions, 
preachers were regularly appointed, with only 14 preachers 
available. The last report of the Oregon and California Mis- 
sion Conference showed 558 church members in Oregon and 
214 on probation. There were 330 pupils in 13 Sunday Schools. No 
report was made regarding the number, condition, or value of 
church buildings. A resolution was passed "that each member be 
prepared at the next annual session to report full details respecting 
church property." 

A glance at the list of appointments will reveal the forward look- 
ing policy of expansion of the work of the Methodist Church. Puget 
Sound, the lower Columbia River Valley, Southern Oregon, the 
coast country, and The Dalles are all represented as well as the 
Willamette Valley, to which heretofore the Conference had been 
largely confined. It will also be noted that no appointments are listed 
for the California District. 14 

During the year 1852 eleven new post offices were created as fol- 
lows: Amity, Canyonville, Clackamas, Dallas, Independence, 
Santiam City, Starr's Point (later Monroe) , Oakland, Parkersville, 
Siuslaw, Spring Valley. Ashland received its name this year. Jack- 
sonville was begun. Leland and Monmouth were first settled; the 
Phoenix town site was laid out. 

Since the formation of the Oregon and California Mission Con- 
ference only three years previously, one new county had been born, 
Lane, 1851. No less than 35 new post offices had been established 
in what is now Oregon; and at least fifteen settlements were begun 
in other locations. 15 

William Roberts had traveled extensively in both California and 
Oregon Districts, and both he and the men of the Conference felt 
the advisability of separating, at the earliest practicable date, the 
two parts into two annual Conferences. Hence it is not surprising that 
Roberts should have written to the Board of Missions: 

It will be necessary lor some change to take place in the amount of 
labor appropriated to myself. I have erred in attempting too much . . . 
the truth is that I have been doing double duty. The work of a Pre- 
siding Elder on a very large district, and also that of a general super- 
in tendency, each of which involves enough to occupy the entire time 
of a strong man. One of the six men to be sent must have charge of a 
district, or we must appoint one of the men already here for that pur- 



pose, and the puzzle is to manage the business until help arrives. A 
considerable emigration has arrived in safety from the States, and 
every steamer brings scores in from California. The people have souls 
and it is our duty to minister to their spiritual wants. The Lord has 
blessed our work. A brighter day is dawning upon the Pacific Coast. 

Again Roberts wrote to the Mission Board: 

Has anything been done regarding the Oregon District? Two Con- 
ferences, unless there is some reason that does not occur to me, should 
be formed on this coast in May, 1852, at the General Conference. 

The General Conference of 1852 did pass the necessary legislation, 
but the annual session of the Oregon and California Mission Con- 
ference, meeting less than four months later, probably had not yet 
been informed of such action, much less having official notification. 
It was an additional five months later when a Bishop of the Meth- 
odist Episcopal Church arrived to organize formally the Oregon 
Conference. But that story will be treated in another chapter. 


Chapter VII 
The Oregon Annual Conference 

ALMOST nineteen years of faithful, self-sacrificing, and heroic 
service had now gone into the building of the Methodist Church 
in the Oregon Country since Jason Lee had established his Mission 
on the banks of the Willamette. For fifteen years of this time the en- 
terprise was called "The Oregon Mission"; for the last four years it 
had been called "The Oregon and California Mission Conference." 

The Oregon and California Mission Conference had been launched 
in the beginnings of the greatest gold rush that the world has ever 
seen. The excitement was not long in making itself felt, and the rest- 
lessness of the people and some of the ministers added to the con- 
fusion. Most affected were probably the local preachers upon whom 
so much of the work of the extensive circuits depended. 

The gold rush, however, brought such an inrush of settlers into 
the West that, whereas at first almost all the white settlers in Oregon 
had been concentrated in the Willamette Valley and a few along 
the lower Columbia, before the end of the four-year duration of the 
Oregon and California Mission Conference, settlement had spread 
to the seacoast, along the Tillamook and Coos Bay regions, to the 
Umpqua Valley and to the Rogue River Valley in Southern Oregon. 
Not only had the discovery, of gold produced excitement and an 
influx of population into California, but for the same reason, and to 
a lesser extent, into the Rogue River Valley along Jackson Creek, 
along the Illinois River, and to some degree, along the Coos River. 

In spite of the distracting nature of the gold excitement and the 
growing apprehension regarding Indian uprisings, ministerial ap- 
pointments reflected the expanding work of the Church. The first 
list of appointments in the Oregon and California Mission Confer- 
ence included but five in Oregon: Oregon City and Portland, Salem 
Circuit, Yamhill Circuit, Mary's River Circuit, and Astoria and 
Clatsop. The last list of appointments, only four years later, under 
the supervision of two Presiding Elders numbered 2 1 . The fact that 
ten of the appointments were left "to be supplied" indicates only the 
growing character of the work and the enterprise of the church 
leaders in taking advantage of every opportunity to follow the first 
settlers with the services of the Church. It is still more significant that 
almost all of these appointments materialized into regular minis- 



terial charges that continued for years, some of them to the present 

Only two years after the organization of the Oregon and California 
Mission Conference, the rapidly expanding nature of the work, and 
the difficulty of getting the whole conference together made it 
evident that a division into Oregon and California annual confer- 
ences was necessary; and a resolution to that effect was duly presented 
to the General Conference of 1852. The request, presented by a 
Committee from Oregon consisting of Francis S. Hoyt, Alvin F. 
Waller, and C. S. Kingsley, was granted. 

It was quite natural, therefore, that, when the ministers met about 
four months later, they expected to meet as the Oregon Annual 
Conference. This did seem to be a reasonable expectation since the 
very men who had presented the resolution and received its accept- 
ance were now present, and since the regular procedure was in 
progress for the organization. But, as we noted in the previous 
chapter, the Superintendent gave his decision that the session of 
September, 1852, was still the Oregon and California Mission Con- 
ference, and not the Oregon Annual Conference. That must wait 
for the arrival of a Bishop, or for further instructions from the 
General Conference. 

The Conference of 1852 voted to hold its next session at Belknap 
Settlement. But the meeting, only six months later, March 17, 1853, 
was convened at the Methodist Episcopal Church in Salem. No ex- 
planation for this change in location is given in the official records 
of the Conference. Though it is not difficult to see the appropriate- 
ness of holding so important a session at what had now become the 
headquarters of so much of Methodism in Oregon, the inconvenience 
of holding a Conference session at a camp ground in March may 
have been the determining factor. We are left to conjecture. 

The "Organizing Conference of the Oregon Annual Conference" 
of March, 1853, was presided over by Bishop E. R. Ames, who had 
been elected and ordained a Bishop at the General Conference held 
in May. He was a large man, over six feet in height, of imposing 
and majestic appearance, and of intellectual powers commensurate 
with his size. Though but forty-seven years of age he had been, for 
the last three sessions, a member of the General Conference. Though 
he began his ministry in the Illinois Conference, he was a charter 
member of the Indiana Conference and had spent his active pastoral 
life in that state. After filling several important stations and act- 
ing as Presiding Elder, he was, in 1840, elected missionary secretary, 
his work being chiefly in what was then called "the West." He 



traveled extensively, visiting the Indian missions along the northern 
lakes and on the western frontier, and aided in establishing schools 
among the Indian tribes of western Arkansas. 1 It would seem that 
a logical choice was made by the General Conference when it as- 
signed Bishop Ames to preside at the founding of the new organiza- 

When the roll was called the following members responded to 
their names: William Roberts, David Leslie, Alvin F. Waller, Wil- 
liam Helm, J. H. Wilbur, John Flinn, Francis S. Hoyt, Nehemiah 
Doane, C. S. Kingsley, P. G. Buchanan, L. T. Woodward, and 
Thomas H. Pearne. Isaac Dillon, Benjamin Close and J. O. Rayner 
were also listed on the roll, but were not present. 

Although the Journal of the Organizing Conference of 1853 does 
not record the fact, H. K. Hines says that 

Immediately after the organization of the Conference the following 
names were added to the list by transfer: Harvey K. Hines, Gustavus 
Hines, Thomas F. Royal, Benjamin Close and George Berry. 2 

Concerning two of these names, however, there is a discrepancy be- 
tween the official record and the statement of Hines. The Journal, 
under the heading "Members Present," lists the name of Benjamin 
Close as already a member, though not present. There is no record 
of his reception into the Conference, either at this time or pre- 
viously. Presumably he had been transferred from his home Con- 
ference, but no record of such action was made here. The other 
name is that of Thomas F. Royal. The Journal of that year records 
an appointment but has no record of his transfer into the Confer- 
ence. The Journal of the next year does record his transfer from 
the Rock River Conference. The probability is that his transfer was 
made at his home Conference in 1852, but he was not present to be 
received into the Oregon Conference in 1853. An obituary notice, 
which was sent to the press at the time of his death, says that "at the 
September Conference in 1852 he was transferred to the Oregon 
Conference." In the spring of 1853, with his wife and two small 
children, joining his parents, two brothers and a sister, he emigrated 
to Oregon, encountering many hardships on the six months' "trek" 
across the plains. They arrived in Jacksonville, Oregon, Oct. 27, 
1853. Rev. Royal's coming was evidently expected by the Bishop 
and Presiding Elder and his name is recorded among the list of 

Three men were admitted into the Conference on Trial: William 
B. Morse, Enoch Garrison, and J. L. Parrish. A fourth, Chauncey 



O. Hosford, who had served as traveling companion and assistant 
to William Roberts, had been admitted on trial at the organizing 
conference of the Oregon and California Mission, as had J. L. 
Parrish, and then had been discontinued at his own request, even 
as had Parrish. Now they came seeking readmission on trial. Parrish 
was readmitted without question and ordained an Elder, but given 
no appointment. But the application of Hosford caused some dis- 
cussion, for he had settled on a donation land claim. The following 
resolution was adopted: 

Whereas there has been some diversity of opinion and practice among 

the members of this Conference as to the lawfulness and expediency 

of ministers settling on land claims, therefore, 

Resolved, that the Bishop be requested to give his views on the 


J. H. Wilbur, C. S. Kingsley. 

Just why this question should have been raised with regard to 
C. O. Hosford and not concerning J. L. Parrish is difficult to answer, 
for as we have previously noted, not only Parrish, but Alvin Waller 
and William Helm had been living on their own properties. Wil- 
liam Roberts had expressed his disapproval of the practice in his 
communications with the Missionary Society. The Journal con- 

The Bishop gave his views remarking at some length and with good 
ability upon the origin, constitution, and peculiar economy of the 
Methodist Church, insisting on the necessity of avoiding all Caste and 
inequality of conditions among our ministers as far as possible. He 
submitted for serious consideration the Query whether our itinerant 
System could be maintained while a part of the members were settled 
immoveably [sic] on their claims. He acknowledged the hardships 
and sacrifices of the system, but declared that we should have cause to 
rejoice eternally if we could stand up manfully against the worldly- 
mindedness of this land and give ourselves to the great work of sav- 
ing souls. His remarks were listened to with interest by the members 
of the Conference. Bro. Hosford was not admitted. 

On motion, however, the Presiding Elder in whose District Hosford 
lived was granted permission to employ him, and did so. He was 
appointed to Mary's River Circuit; and in 1855, two years later, he 
was admitted, not on trial, but to full membership in the Confer- 
ence. Thus, in spite of the refusal of the Organizing Conference to 
admit C. O. Hosford, he became a part of the working force without 
the loss of any time whatever. 



The Oregon Annual Conference at its beginning in 1853 was a 
young man's conference. Not a man was sixty years of age, the 
patriarch being David Leslie who had reached the venerable age of 
56. William Helm was 53; Alvin Waller was 45; Gustavus Hines, 
43; J. H. Wilbur, 42; and William Roberts 41. Aside from these, 
not a man among them had reached his fortieth birthday; most of 
the rest were in their twenties and thirties. 

The Organizing Conference of 1853 took some important actions. 
William Roberts presented his trunk to the Conference to provide 
a place in which to keep "whatever documents of interest could be 
collected regarding the progress of Methodist work in Oregon." The 
presentation was greeted by a rising vote of thanks. 

The matter of initiating such historical work had been attempted 
at the Conference of 1851, 3 and reiterated at the Conference of 
1852. 4 Certain materials had been gathered to go into historical col- 
lection. 5 But now, for the first time, a storage place was provided. 
We might well say that from the Organizing Conference of 1853 
the Oregon Conference Historical Society got its real start, when 
formal action was taken to begin the collection of these materials 
and a permanent receptacle was provided for their safekeeping. A 
Committee consisting of William Roberts, Alvin F. Waller, and 
J. H. Wilbur was appointed to "gather up and deposit with the 
Sec. Documents of interest connected with the work of the church in 
this Country." 

It was evidently intended that the Conference Secretary should 
be the custodian of the trunk in which these historical documents 
were deposited. How long the Secretary had actual possession of 
this trunk is unknown to the author of this sketch, but when he 
came to the office of Secretary of the Conference in 1937, the trunk 
was kept at Willamette University. The Secretary of the Conference 
has access to the trunk whenever he wishes, but actual possession is 
vested in the University. The trunk is still there, but it now forms 
but a small part of the collection of the Oregon Methodist Con- 
ference Historical Society. 

Another important action of the Conference had to do with a 
charter for two institutions of learning: (1) The preacher in charge 
at Portland and J. H. Wilbur were appointed a Committee to secure 
a charter for Portland Academy; (2) The Presiding Elder of the 
"Wallamet District" and the Preacher in charge on the Calapooia 
Circuit were appointed a Committee to secure a charter for the 
Santiam Academy. 

Various committees were appointed, and various resolutions 



passed, as is usual with Methodist Conferences, but one committee 
and one resolution seem to be of more than passing interest. A com- 
mittee consisting of William Roberts and Thomas H. Pearne was 
appointed to prepare and present to the next Annual Conference 
a constitution and by-laws for a Preachers' Aid Society. Their re- 
port was duly prepared and presented to the Conference of 1854, 
but laid on the table. This is of interest more because it illustrates 
the fact that, while Methodist preachers have been diligent in the 
cause of evangelism, missions, and every other good work, they have 
been, at least until recent years, very slow to do anything construc- 
tive regarding their own security in old age. Perhaps the reason for 
such lack of foresight at that time was that it was a young man's 
conference. And as for helping the less fortunate brethren, there 
was too much of the spirit of self-reliance among the members for 
them to be willing to encourage lack of diligence among those who 
did not have enough of it. Hence the "Preachers Aid Society" did 
not even get started. 

Another matter of more than passing interest was a resolution 
regarding camp meetings. The members resolved: 

That we will exert ourselves as far as practicable to sustain the Camp- 
meetings that are or may be appointed within the bounds of the Con- 
ference for the coming season. 

Judging by the prevalence of the Camp Meeting from the time of 
Jason Lee, and for many years thereafter, it would seem that this 
resolution expressed the popular opinion and indicated both the 
spirit of the men of the Conference and the regular practice of the 
Methodist Churches of the Oregon Country at the time. Many camp 
grounds were owned by the Methodists, not only at Belknap Settle- 
ment, where the next Annual Conference was to be held, but at many 
other localities. And the Camp Meeting, to which people came for 
miles around and camped with their families for a week or ten days 
while they attended services conducted by the best evangelists of 
the day, was one of the most potent forces ever found for a frontier 

On the first day of the Conference, a Committee was appointed to 
report on the following facts respecting the Mission at the Grand 
Dalles of the Columbia. 

1st. The time when it was established. 2nd. The probable Amount 
Expended on it. 3rd. The Causes which forced the Missionaries to 
leave, and have up to this time prevented their return. William 
Roberts, Alvin F. Waller and David Leslie were appointed. 



The next day the committee brought in a comprehensive report, 
from which we quote briefly: 

The Cayuse War commenced, the Mission Stations were used as forts 
by our Army, and between the Indians, the Army of the Provisional 
Gov't of Oregon, and since the War the troops of the U.S. stationed 
at The Dalles, the improvements luere all destroyed . . . 

The missionaries of the American Board offered to return the prop- 
erty to the Methodists "on the same terms they had received it. . ." 

Their proposal was accepted, the proposal and its acceptance bear 
date respectively the 3d. & 13th days of March, 1849. The actual oc- 
cupancy of the station by Dr. Whitman was less than three months. 
After the destruction of the property Mr. Spalding and Mr. Waller 
made an estimate of its value. The estimate was made intentionally 
below the actual cost and value amounts to $4,130.23. The following 
facts are obvious: 

The Mission was established in 1838 by the authority of the Gov't 
of the U.S. and was continuously occupied as a Missionary Station until 
the Missionaries were driven away at the time of the Waiilatpu Mas- 
sacre in Nov. 1847. The improvements thereon must have cost $10,000. 
The Provisional Gov't of Oregon published openly that it could afford 
no protection to Missionaries laboring east of the Cascade Mountains. 
Since the Cayuse War and at this time, the troops of the U.S. Army are 
occupying the Station as a military post. 

Your committee further find that the late Superintendent of the 
Oregon Mission has used all proper efforts to regain possession of the 
Station. He has visited it. Made a legal survey of its lines and bounda- 
ries, and had them duly recorded in the archives of the Clackamas Co. 
Oregon Ter'y. Pie has made known the intention of the Missionary 
Society to maintain its claim to these premises in the public news- 
papers; and the minutes of the Conference shew from year to year 
that it is part of our regular work. In view of these facts your Com. 
reports for adoption the following resolution: 

Resolved 1st. That in the judgment of the members of the Oregon An- 
nual Conference of the M.E. Church, the Gov't of the U.S. is justly 
indebted to the Missionary Society of the M.E. Church in the sum of 
$4,130.23 with interest for the destruction of mission property at the 
Dalles of the Columbia. 

2nd. That the title to the land on which said improvements were 
made not exceeding 640 acres and described in the records of Clacka- 
mas Co. O.T. was confirmed and established by said Governments to 
Said Missionary Society in the acts of Congress of Aug. 14th. 1848 in 
the following words: 'And provided also that the title to land not ex- 
ceeding 640 acres now occupied as Missionary Stations among indian 
tribes in said territory, together with the improvements thereon be 



confirmed and established in the Several Religious Societies to which 
said Missionaries belong," and that Said Gov't ought to recognize said 
title and give immediate possession to Said Society. 

3d. That the Board of Managers of the Missionary Soc. of the M.E. 
Church at New York be strongly urged to prosecute the above claims 
with the proper departments at Washington and if necessary to bring 
the Subject before the Congress of the United States. 

William Roberts 
A. F. Waller 
David Leslie. 

Though not a matter of record in the Minutes, we must assume 
that the Conference action was favorable. Roberts, in reporting 
to his superiors, added: "We will look to the government for any 
damage done by the Indians or troops during the war. 6 

Bancroft says that the Missionary Society of the Methodist Church 
brought a claim against the government for $20,000 for the land, 
and later for $4,000 for the improvements, "which in their best days 
had been sold to Whitman for $600," and that the government al- 
lowed both claims. Then he adds with his usual venom toward 
the Methodists, 

It would have been seemly if this liberal indemnity for a false claim had 
satisfied the greed of that ever-hungry body of Christian ministers. 
But they still laid claim to every foot of ground which the survey of 
1850 fell without the boundaries of the military reserve, taking enough 
on every side of it to make up half the legal mission donation. 7 

The collection of damages for which the resolution asked was much 
more than satisfied, but the matter of the town-site at The Dalles, 
which was the location of the original donation for the Mission, 
was a thorny one which had to be threshed out in the courts, and 
was finally decided against the Missionary Society. 8 

For a second time the Conference voted to hold its next session 
at Belknap Settlement. The location was not a pastoral charge, and 
there seems to have been no church building, but there was a camp 
ground. There was a grove of trees with a living spring; and the 
Belknap family was very active in promoting not only the camp 
meetings but Christianity in general. The community had about 
eighteen settlers at the time, among them the families of Ransom 
and Orin Belknap. It was on the claim of the latter that the camp 
ground was located. 9 



The appointments for 1853-54 were as follows: 

Wallamet District 
Thomas H. Pearne, P.E. 
Salem — William Roberts, John Flinn 

Portland and Portland Academy — C. S. Kingsley, H. K. Hines 
Oregon City and Milwaukie — P. G. Buchanan 
Chehalem and Tualatin Mission — J. W. Miller 
Yamhill — Nehemiah Doane 
Calapooia — A. F. Waller, Isaac Dillon 
Mary's River — L. T. Woodward, C. O. Hosford 
Spencer's Butte — T. F. Royal 
Columbia River — George M. Berry 

Vancouver, Cascades, and Dalles of the Columbia — Gustavus Hines 
Oregon Institute — F. S. Hoyt 
"Makenzie's Fork" — Enoch Garrison 

Umpqua Mission — J. H. Wilbur, one to be supplied 

Rogue River — J. S. Smith, one to be supplied 

"J. H. Wilbur is Superintendent of the work in Southern Oregon." 

Northern Oregon 
Puget Sound Mission — Benjamin Close, Wm. B. Morse 
"Benj. Close is the Superintendent of the work in Northern Oregon." 10 

The beginning of the Umpqua Mission and the work in Southern 
Oregon is all the more remarkable in view of the fact that the 
Rogue River Indians and the white settlers were at war and Indian 
massacres and white reprisals, or the reverse, were the chief charac- 
teristics of Southern Oregon in 1853, and were the most burning 
issues of the day. No new settlement was begun in Southern Oregon 
that year, but Coos County was created by the Legislature; Empire 
City was founded, and a custom house was built at that place. 

In the Willamette Valley more settlements were begun: Browns- 
ville was laid out as a town; McMinnville and Monroe were started; 
Wapatoo Post Office was established; (discontinued 1865), Sandy 
received its first settlers; a Methodist Sunday School was established 
at Fairview in what is now Multnomah County; and further east 
up the Columbia, Mosier was begun. 11 

On March 16, 1854 the Oregon Anual Conference convened its 
second annual session, this time at Belknap Settlement. But the Pre- 
siding Bishop, Matthew Simpson, had not yet arrived. Indeed, he 
did not arrive in time to participate in the Conference until the 
fourth day of the session. In the meantime Thomas H. Pearne was 
elected to preside. William Roberts was the Secretary. 



Seventeen preachers answered the roll call and reports were re- 
ceived from seventeen pastoral charges. These reports showed 1182 
members of the church, and 366 probationary members. There were 
42 local preachers, 34 Sunday Schools, with 186 officers and teachers 
and 851 Sunday School pupils. 

According to the Journal of that year, Joseph W. Hines, John 
F. DeVore, L. C. Phillips, and Thomas F. Royal were transferred 
into the Conference. We have noted that, at least in the case of 
T. F. Royal, the record is in error; we will assume that in the case 
of the others it is correct. Joshua Elder, Freeman Farnsworth, J. H. B. 
Royal, Laban Case and George Roe were admitted into the Con- 
ference on trial. Also John Spencer was readmitted on his certificate 
of location. 

The Committe on Education reported five educational institu- 
tions to which Trustees were appointed; and also named were Con- 
ference Visitors, an assignment which, in that day, was regarded as 
quite important by reason of the control which the Conference 
was supposed to have over these institutions: Santiam Academy, 
Puget Sound University, Portland Academy and Female Seminary, 
"Wallamet" University, and Corvallis Seminary. 

The usual routine business was transacted. The time for the hold- 
ing of the next annual Conference session was set for August at 
Oregon City. 

During the year 1854 Wasco and Multnomah Counties were 
created by the Legislature. Empire City was made the County Seat 
of Coos County, Roseburg the County Seat of Douglas County; and 
post offices were established at Jacksonville, Mount Hood (near the 
present Hopewell) , Sandy, Valfonis (which was later known as 
Spring Valley) , and Wilbur (at that time known as Laurel) . 12 

A considerable increase in the number of pastoral appointments 
is to be noted for the year. With expanding settlements and an 
increased force in the Conference, the Church was moving forward 
to take advantage of the opportunities. 

The appointments for 1854-55 were as follows: 

Wallamet District 
T. H. Pearne, P. E. 

Salem — Gustavus Hines 

Butteville— C. O. Hosford 

Oregon City — H. K. Hines 

North Yamhill and Chehalem — John Spencer 

Yamhill — Nehemiah Doane 

La Creole — Laban Case 



Spencer's Butte — Noah A. Starr 

McKenzie's Ford — To be supplied 

Calapooia — J. W. Hines 

Santiam Forks — Enoch Garrison 

"Wallamet University" — Francis H. Hoyt, Pres. 

Santiam Academy — Luther T. Woodward 

J. L. Parrish, Missionary among the Indians 
L. C. Phillips, Agent of American Bible Society 

Umpqua Mission District 
T. H. Wilbur, P.E. 
North Umpqua — J. O. Rayner 
South Umpqua — J. W. Miller 
Scottsburg — John Flinn 
Coos Bay and Port Orford — To be supplied 
Gold River — T. F. Royal, one to be supplied 
Umpqua Academy — J. G. B. Royal, Principal 

Columbia River District 
A. F. Waller, P. E. 
Portland — P. G. Buchanan 
Oswego — G. M. Berry 

Vancouver, Cascades, and Dalles — To be supplied 
St. Helens and Multnomah — Benjamin Close 
Oak Point, Rainier, and Cowlitz — George Rowe 
Astoria and Clatsop — F. Farnsworth 
Pacific City and Shoalwater Bay — To be supplied 
Portland Academy and Female Seminary — C. S. Kingsley, Prin. 

Puget Sound Mission District 
Wm. Roberts, P. E. 
Olympia and Chambers Prairie — To be supplied 
Steilacoom and White River — J. F. DeVore 
Seattle and Dwainish — D. E. Blain 
Port Townsend and Gamble — William B. Morse 
Coveland and Bellingham Bay — Joshua Elder 
Chehalis and Cowlitz — To be supplied 

There were four Districts, twenty-eight pastoral charges, four edu- 
cational institutions, to which thirty-one ministers were appointed. 
Seven ministers were to be supplied as soon as they could be found. 
The Oregon Annual Conference was really on its way, justifying 
the faith of its founders. If any are inclined to say that one District 
in the Oregon Conference of today has more churches and more 
preachers than the whole Conference had in 1854, he should reflect 
upon the wide expanse of the Conference in that early day, the 
practical absence of roads, and the primitive modes of travel. If a 
minister or a District Superintendent of the present day thinks the 



work load and the pressure is too severe, let him reflect upon the 
small numbers and poverty of the people who founded the Meth- 
odist Church in Oregon and the privations of those who labored to 
build churches for us to serve in comparative comfort. 

The Conference of 1854 is especially noteworthy because of two 
actions: that regarding a religious newspaper, and another initiat- 
ing support for Conference Claimants. The Committee on a Re- 
ligious Newspaper, which had been named at the previous confer- 
ence, gave its report, and the following resolution Avas adopted: 

1. That we regard the action of the Quar. M. I. Conferences in recom- 
mending a Com. to devise measures for publishing a religious 
periodical in Oregon under the supervision of the M. E. Church, 
pledging their patronage and support as a favorable indication and 
furnishing a strong reason why such a periodical should be pub- 

2. That as several brethren are in accordance with the action of Q. 
Conferences making arrangements to publish such a periodical, we 
heartily concur in the measure, and pledge ourselves to communi- 
cate intelligence, obtain subscribers and commend the paper to the 
favorable attention of the people among whom we labor. 

3. That we recommend Rev. Thos. H. Pearne as Chief Editor. 

Thomas H. Pearne was also elected a member of the Publishing 
Committee of The California Christian Advocate. The next year 
the name of the publication which they were proposing to establish 
was fixed as The Oregon Christian Advocate. 

The second noteworthy action of the Conference of 1854 was 
the beginning of Conference Claimants support. The Stewards 
recommended that David Leslie, who was now in the retired re- 
lation, should be allocated the sum of $256.00. This was done. 13 

The Conference of 1855 was also notable for two items of business: 

We have here the first mention of slavery in that long series of 
resolutions which reflects the agitation of the country preceding 
the Civil War. We have also the first election of Delegates to the 
General Conference. Two delegates and two alternates were elected 
on the first ballot! William Roberts and Thomas H. Pearne, having 
received the necessary number of votes, were chosen. Upon motion 
it was declared that the two receiving the next highest number of 
votes be declared the alternates. Those two were J. H. Wilbur and 
A. F. Waller. Somewhat different from the elections for the dele- 
gates and alternates a century later! 

The delegates were instructed to exert their influence to induce 



the General Conference to adopt The Oregon Christian Advocate 
as an official publication of the Methodist Episcopal Church, and 
also to establish a Book and Tract Depository in Oregon. 14 

During the year 1855 two town sites only seem to have been laid 
out in the present state of Oregon: Aurora and Monmouth. Four 
post offices were established the same year: Ashland, Muddy, Cot- 
tage Grove, and Needy. 15 

At the Conference of 1855 the first report of church properties 
listed churches valued at $39,000, "all of them deeded to the M.E. 
Church;" parsonages valued at $9,100, "all deeded to the M.E. 
Church, but one at Jacksonville and one at Clatsop;" Seminaries of 
learning: Williamette University, Portland Academy, Umpqua Acad- 
emy, Santiam Academy, Oregon City Seminary, valued at $80,079. 
Church buildings were located at Salem; Oregon City; North Yam- 
hill and Chehalem; Yamhill; Mary's River; St. Helens and Mult- 
nomah; Oak Point, Rainier and Cowlitz; Astoria, Clatsop; Steilacoom 
and White River; and Seattle. 16 

Quoting from the historical statement in the Centennial number 
of the Oregon Conference Journal of 1953 we invite comparison: 

As we close a century of progress in Oregon Methodism there are four 
districts, covering but a fraction of Old Oregon, but covering nearly the 
whole present State of Oregon, with 152 Pastoral Charges with about 
130 ministers in the effective relation, beside about 50 other Supply 
pastors. Our benevolent giving for the Centennial year was $317,951, 
and ministerial support $414,585, besides $98,852 for other purposes. 

Surely, for a century God has blessed us, as loyal men and women have 
tried to serve Him through the Methodist Church. 

It should be recorded that the Treasurer of the Conference re- 
ported the Grand Total of all giving in the Oregon Conference in 
1953 as $1,960,840.00. The Statistician reported 45,492 church mem- 
bers, 39,768 Sunday School Scholars, 8750 preparatory members and 
baptized children, 3110 officers and teachers in the Sunday School. 17 

The history of the Oregon Annual Conference and the progress 
of Methodism in Oregon from the early beginnings to the comple- 
tion of a century, can best be described in the story of the various 
movements and institutions which stem from, and are related to, 
the Conference. But before we treat of these we must take note of 
the conditions of the times and surroundings in which the Church 
had to do its work. We shall therefore turn to the frontier Circuits 
and the Circuit Riders. 


Chapter VIII 
Circuits and Circuit Riders 

THE itinerant system of the Methodist ministry was peculiarly 
adapted to pioneer conditions. The rapid growth of the Meth- 
odist Church in the days of Francis Asbury was due to the fact that 
ours was a "traveling ministry" rather than a settled one. Evangeliz- 
ing zeal and personal dedication sent these men out over prairies 
and through forests and across swamps and unbridged rivers. The 
Eastern seaboard and the Ohio Valley were the scenes of many 
courageous exploits and constant self-sacrificing devotion on the 
part of the Circuit Riders. Asbury led the way. Equal self-sacrificing 
devotion and heroism held other men to a heart-breaking and body- 
destroying task. 

The devotion of Asbury and his co-workers was fully equaled by 
the founders of Methodism in Oregon. Not all of the men who took 
up the work in Oregon persisted with the apostolic zeal of Asbury 
or of Jason Lee, but a fair proportion of them did. Jason Lee him- 
self was worn out and sick when he arrived in New York in 1844 
at the end of ten years service in Oregon, a strong man worn out. 
H. K. Hines described the conditions under which these men 
worked. When Jason Lee appointed his helpers of the Great Rein- 
forcement to their stations, we read: 

In another day (after their appointments were read) the missionaries 
scattered abroad. None of them could start, however, like the rough, 
brave riders of Asbury's cavalry, with saddle and pack-horse, over 
traveled highways and plain trails through peopled valleys and into 
thriving populous villages and cities near and far. Their mode of con- 
veyance was the canoe, its pathway the mighty river's flood, the dashing 
torrent's foam, or anon the swinging surf that beat upon the ocean's 
shore. This was the most uncertain, precarious, laborious intinerancy 
[sic] a Methodist preacher ever attempted. Now dashing down foaming 
and eddying cascades, where the wrong scant of an Indian's paddle- 
blade by a single inch would shoot the canoe like a cattapult against 
some crag or submerged rock; now wading up the ice-cold stream and 
wearily tugging at the cordel-rope for hours to make a single mile, or 
now pulling at the paddle hour after hour to cross miles of river or 
bay against wind and tides was the most real and the least ideal of any 
itinerancy ever attempted. Nightfalls found no house or home; only a 
camp under a fir tree, or in the lee of some great basaltic cliff. No 
gathered congregation, large or small, to welcome the weary itinerant 



to the cheer of a handshake or the restful influence of worshipful song 
and Christian communion; only the still, awful quietude of mighty 
forests, or the more awful solitude of the mighty plain. Only this. And 
this is not an imaginery painting, but the description of real chapters 
in the lives of those who planted Christianity and civilization in the 
Pacific Northwest. It was to such a life as this that these missionaries 
from New England, New York, Ohio, and Illinois were now being in- 
troduced as they turned away from the conference at Vancouver on the 
15th day of June, 1840, to do work the Church had commissioned them 
to do. 1 

This was the life with which Jason Lee was himself familiar. It 
was such experiences as these that had worn out his strong body. 
Hines himself knew whereof he spoke, for although he did not 
come to Oregon until 1853, and there had been an influx of settlers 
and considerable change of circumstances in the meantime, he knew 
most of those missionaries of 1840 and had gotten his information 
first-hand. Besides, he served for almost thirty years in the Pacific 
Northwest, and lived the life of a circuit rider for a considerable part 
of that time. 

Gustavus Hines, H. K. Hines' brother, who was one of that num- 
ber who were appointed to their places in June 1840, wrote: 

It was necessary for the missionary constantly to expose himself to 
fatigue and dangers in hunting up his people to give them the word of 
life. Fording streams and swimming rivers, sleeping on the ground and 
in the rain, and going without food were no uncommon incidents of 
the life of the Oregon Missionary. 2 

Gustavus Hines accompanied Jason Lee to the mouth of the 
Umpqua to visit the Indians at that place preparatory to the estab- 
lishment of a mission among them. After the failure of that attempt, 
he was assigned to other duties. When trouble arose among the 
Cayuse Indians he went on a mission with Dr. Elijah White to pacify 
them and make a treaty with them. While George Gary was Superin- 
tendent of the Oregon Mission, Hines returned to his home confer- 
ence in the east; but upon the organization of the Oregon Annual 
Conference in 1853 he was transferred to Oregon and spent the rest 
of his life there as pastor and Presiding Elder. During his first stay 
in the Oregon Country he was active in civic as well as ecclesiastical 
affairs. He took part in some of the preliminaries to organization 
of the Provisional Government and was Chairman of the meeting 
of July 5, 1843. On the day before he had delivered the principal 
address at one of the first Fourth of July celebrations on the Pacific 
Coast, on July 4, 1843. 3 He is best known to posterity, however, 



through his two books: Oregon, Its History, Condition, and Pros- 
pects, 1851, and Oregon and Its Institutions, 1868. 

The only routes of travel when the Methodist Missionaries began 
to build the Methodist Church in Oregon were the rivers and lakes 
and the tortuous Indian trails. The only means of transportation on 
the water was by Indian canoe or by the somewhat larger Hudson's 
Bay Company boat. Some of the Indians were expert boatmen and 
their canoes were sometimes of considerable size. Going downstream 
was fairly easy though often fraught with danger. But the journey 
upstream was a very different story. That meant slow and toilsome 
paddling near the shore if the water were not too swift. When the 
current was too swift to permit headway against it by paddling, the 
traveler had to wade into the water, pulling the canoe after him, or 
portage around the rapids, carrying canoe and baggage. Wading 
and pulling the canoe meant being wet to the waist, or wet from 
head to foot for hours at a stretch, and necessitated a camp over- 
night by an open fire while one's clothing and bedding dried. Often 
in snow and sleet and rain and cold such travel took its toll even of 
the strongest. 

If the journey was by land, it must be on foot or by Indian pony. 
In the open country going was fairly easy, over more or less distinct 
Indian trails which led from place to place. The trails followed the 
ridges and divides, or skirted the foothills to avoid the rivers and 
the swamps as much as possible. Hence the going was hilly or circui- 
tous. If the trail followed the seacoast, or along a water-course, it lay 
through deep timber where the sun seldom effectively pierced the 
half gloom. It is said that there was scarcely a break in the over- 
hanging foliage along the coast from the Columbia River to the 
border of California and beyond, except the rivers and bays. If one 
traveled these rivers or bays or crossed them, it must be by Indian 

William Roberts, coming thirteen years after Jason Lee, found 
conditions slightly better, for settlement had begun in real earnest, 
and with settlement had come improvement in travel. But the ex- 
periences of J. H. Wilbur, who came on the same ship with Roberts, 
give clear indication that travel was still rather difficult. 

Soon after his arrival in Oregon, Wilbur was appointed to the Oregon 
Institute, now Willamette University, and he ascended the Willamette 
River in a small boat. The first day he got as far as Butteville, where 
he stayed overnight with a settler by the name of Hall. The second day 
brought him to the mouth of the Yamhill river. He lay on the ground 
that night with a bearskin for a cover, and a couple of blankets; but 



his rest was broken by howling wolves, and screaming beasts. Besides, 
it rained and the water fell on his unsheltered head. One of his helpers 
a Kannacker, kneaded a bit of dough which he baked on a board and 
broiled a piece of beef, for their breakfast. After breakfast prayer was 
said and they started up stream. But the stream was swift, and the water 
was shallow, and they were forced to wade the river and pull the boat. 
Wilbur was up to his waist in water and rain fell from the clouds. The 
third night he slept on the ground again and the next day the boat 
moved upwards about ten miles. Wilbur was in the water most of the 
day. They went into camp again and remained over Sunday. 

Wilbur wrote "Never did I spend a Sabbath like this since I experi- 
enced religion. I had little satisfaction in conversing with the men; 
they seem to be the devil's own subjects and determined to do the 
devil's work." 

The next day, five days from Oregon City, tired and hungry and sick, 
he arrived in Salem, where he was received with great cordiality and 
entertained by Josiah L. Parrish. 

Wilbur added to the record as a sort of post-script, "I should have 
said that I took supper with Sister Willson and never do I remember 
to have eaten a meal that I relished so well." 4 

Wilbur, at this time, was a young man in his prime, 36 years ot 
age. He was six feet two inches in height, straight as an arrow, deep- 
chested and powerful. He was fearless and cool, no stranger to hard- 
ship. But even such a man found the demands upon an itinerant 
Methodist preacher about all he was able to endure. 

Surely life insurance companies, if they had been writing policies 
in Oregon, would not have made the Methodist Circuit Rider a 
preferred risk, as ministers are usually regarded today, if indeed the 
companies had been willing to insure those religious adventurers at 
all. Constant journeying on horseback or on foot through deep 
forests or in Indian canoes across swollen rivers or swamps, cold and 
wet for a half-day at a time, with no place to rest at night but in the 
open or under a tree by a campfire; with no roads, no bridges, and 
only an occasional ferry, health and safety were constantly endan- 
gered. That was the condition for some years after Jason Lee began 
his mission to the Indians of the Oregon Country, and it was still 
the condition in some parts of the country that the Circuit Riders 
traversed for many years afterward. 

William Roberts, whether he had greater powers of resistance 
than most, or whether he knew better how to take care of his health, 
served in the Methodist ministry for 55 years, 41 years of this time 
in the Pacific Northwest. He came to Oregon in 1847 to succeed 
George Gary as Superintendent of the Oregon Mission, organizing 



the Oregon and California Mission Conference two years later. In 
addition to being Superintendent, or Presiding Elder, of the churches 
in Oregon for the entire duration of that Conference, he traveled 
the vast territory involved. After the organization of the Oregon An- 
nual Conference he was Presiding Elder on several districts, preacher, 
agent of the American Bible Society and missionary. He was the great- 
est circuit rider of them all, probably traveling more miles than any 
man in American Methodism except Asbury. (Of course there are 
many of our Board Secretaries in modern times who have traveled 
more miles, but by vastly different means of travel and under vastly 
different conditions.) 

In the fall of 1843, immediately after the organization of the 
Provisional Government, about 900 people came to Oregon, dou- 
bling the population, and most of them settled in the Willamette 
Valley. The next year still more came, and in 1847 (the year Wil- 
liam Roberts and J. H. Wilbur arrived) about 5000 came. Now 
settlement was on in real earnest and began to spread out over the 
most accessible locations in the Willamette Valley and then into 
southern Oregon, on the lower Columbia, along the coastal regions, 
and on Puget Sound. A few settled east of the mountains, chiefly 
in what is now Wasco County. 

In 1846 Lieutenant Neil M. Howison of the United States Navy 
had reported that nearly all the inhabitants, totalling an estimated 
9000, except those connected with the Hudson's Bay Company, were 
settled in the Willamette Valley, the extreme southern cottage being 
on the Mary's River, about a hundred miles south of the Columbia. 
The first settlers in what is now Linn County arrived about this 
time or a year or so later. Settlement in what is now Multnomah 
County began a little earlier, as did settlement in Tualatin Valley, 
including Congregational, Presbyterian and independent mission- 
aries, among them J. S. Griffin, Harvey Clark, Philo P. Littlejohn, 
and others dislocated by the Whitman massacre. 5 

William Roberts, writing to the Corresponding Secretary of the 
Board of Missions in 1848, spoke of the scattered state of the people 
and the difficulty of finding them. The provision that each family 
could have a square mile of land scattered the people over a com- 
paratively wide territory. Such a diffused population could build 
very few adequate roads and exceedingly few bridges. Consequently 
it was all but impossible in wintertime to get from place to place 
among the people over much of the country. Sunday Schools that 
had operated during the summer had to be closed during the winter 
months. He wrote: 



The arrangement of our provisional government by which a person 
under conditions can secure a mile square of land tends directly to 
distribute the people all over the country and operates most prej- 
udicially against the gathering of any considerable congregation in any 
one place our only recourse is to go from one cabin to another through 
prairie and forest which is a slow process requiring more time and 
men, and shall I add grace than we have at present. Add to this the 
almost impassable state of the roads during the rainy season. We have 
as yet very few bridges and the crossing of many of the streams is peril- 
ous and often impossible. Some of the sloughs are as mirey as that of 
despond into which Bunyan's pliable ever gets he is likely after a 
desperate struggle or two to get out of the mire on that side which is 
nearest to his own house. 

Another difficulty is the want of food for horses especially in the winter 
season. In most cases after a hard days travel they must be hobbled or 
staked out or turned loose altogether to hunt their scanty fare of grass 
for hay or oats are seldom to be had and corn is out of the question. 
If we turn our horses loose when we are on a journey we cannot get 
them without much trouble, and if we do not our excursions must be 
short and hurried and the weary starving animals must be turned out 
on our return to recruit for a few weeks and another secured for the 
following trip. Until the people generally give attention to raising 
fodder for horses so that we may have some other dependence than the 
wild grasses of the country each preacher must keep three or 4 horses 
and spend no small amount of time in hunting them when they are 
needed. 6 

It is significant that before the organization of the Provisional 
Government and the coming of the migrations of 1843, 1844, and 
later, Methodist appointments had been entirely to Indian Missions, 
though with the location of settlers about those missions at Oregon 
City and Salem, for instance, the white settlers had become more 
and more the chief concern. At Willamette Falls, to which Alvin 
Waller had been appointed in 1840, the only inhabitants of the 
place were about 150 Indians. Aside from native wigwams, the only 
building at the place was a small blockhouse, or warehouse, built by 
the Hudson's Bay Company for accommodation of its personnel in 
passing up and down the river. Waller was appointed to the place 
because of the group of Indians, and the intention was to establish 
a mission. But two years later, Waller, finding so many white set- 
tlers about, circulated a subscription paper for the raising of funds 
to build a Methodist Church. He secured 27 names of settlers on 
that subscription list, and the church was distinctly a white church 
from the beginning. So it was with all the churches established from 
the time when the Oregon Mission was disbanded, though as we 



shall see a little later, Oregon Methodism did not forget its original 
purpose of ministering to the Indians, nor its responsibility toward 
them. But from the coming of the white settlers and the disappear- 
ance of the Indians, that which had been projected as an Indian 
Mission rapidly became a white church. 

It is interesting to note the relative dates of settlement in the 
various sections of the country and the first Methodist appointments 
in those places. We note that in Benton County, for instance, where 
settlement began in 1845 with a few scattered pioneers, the first 
Methodist preacher, John McKinney, started regular work in that 
teritory under the direction of William Roberts in 1848. The next 
year, even before the organization of the Oregon and California 
Mission Conference, the "Mary's River Circuit" was formed, and 
William Roberts wrote the Corresponding Secretary of the Mission- 
ary Society: 

When Bro. McKinney went on the circuit there was but one class con- 
sisting of 15 members. Since then he has formed three additional ones. 
. . . The preacher was unable to fill several of the appointments late 
in the Avinter because there was nothing for his horse to eat. Just at the 
time when the deep mud and swolen [sic] streams made traveling 
extremely difficult the impossibility of procuring provender rendered 
the going impossible. But these upper circuits will yet become the 
garden of Oregon. 7 

Mary's River Circuit was the territory "lying west of the 'Wala- 
met' River from the Luckiamute River up to the highest settle- 
ments," as Roberts described it to the Missionary Society. 

Oregon City, by this time, was a growing city of about 1000 per- 
sons. About two miles distant was the little hamlet of Clackamas. 
About ten miles farther down the river, at the head of navigation, 
was the little town of Portland just springing into existence. These 
composed a circuit with David Leslie as pastor. Since Leslie was in 
poor health, he visited Portland very infrequently. Clackamas, being 
nearer, was more fortunate. William Roberts said, "The laps [sic] 
of years makes it almost impossible for him to travel and he claims 
to be almost Supernumerary." 8 Leslie at this time was only 51 years 
of age but not being of robust constitution to begin with, the hard 
life of the pioneer Circuit Rider had taken its toll of what strength 
he had. Not only had he suffered the loss of his companion and been 
compelled to return east with his youngest children to put them in 
the care of relatives, but it was he who had done the first work on 
the widely extended Yamhill Circuit which covered all the territory 



on the west side of the Willamette River from the Columbia on 
the north to the Rickreal Creek on the south. This included the 
Tualatin, Chehalem, and Yamhill valleys. It was an area about 75 
miles long and extending from the Willamette River to the Coast 
Range mountains. 

The Salem Circuit was centered in Salem, the Oregon Institute be- 
ing the initial place of meeting. The circuit covered everything 
on the east side of the Willamette River south of Oregon City. It 
seems to have been practically divided into two sections, however, by 
the French Prairie settlement. The French-Canadian settlers were 
exclusively Roman Catholic, and Roberts called their community 
as barren as a desert for Methodist endeavors. Jason Lee had preached 
in their cabins, and they were initially receptive to the ministry of 
the Methodist missionaries, but with the coming of the Jesuits all 
this was changed. On this circuit there were, initially, but two out- 
appointments, not named, serving congregations which were very 
small during the winter, due to the roads and the swollen stream. 

The Calapooia Circuit, which was formed in 1847, lay on both 
sides of the Willamette River "from the Santiam and Rickreal to 
the upper settlements of the valley. Two years later the circuit was 
divided, so that from 1849 on the Calapooia Circuit occupied only 
the portion of the Willamette Valley east of the Willamette River 
and south of the Santiam. In 1849, William Roberts reported to 
the Missionary Society that 

Bro. Helm has been the preacher and has been in rather low spirits 
part of the year, indeed it requires strong faith to go steadily forward 
in some portions of this territory when houses become tenantless and 
farms are deserted and societies broken up. . . There are 36 members 
on this circuit and the Sabbath School at Caluporia [Calapooia] had 
to be discontinued during the winter. 

A year previous to this letter Roberts mentioned "... a number 
of beautiful prairies, Tualatine plains." He referred to the fact that 
a few years earlier the Methodists had had regular preaching in a 
log building erected for that purpose, confessing that for the past 
eight months he had visited the valley but once and that it had had 
only occasional calls from a Methodist preacher. He had assigned it 
to the Yamhill Circuit. Here, where Jason Lee had held the first 
camp meeting for white people west of the Rocky Mountains, other 
denominations had largely taken over a field neglected by the Meth- 
odists for want of help in ministering to it. 



In 1849, however, Roberts listed "Tualatin Plains" as another 

In July last Wm. H. Wilson was employed to labor at Tualatin Plains 
and Portland assisted by C. O. Hosford. After three months labor 
Bro. Wilson concluded that it would be best to hold up for the present 
as he could find no place on the circuit for his family to reside and 
the prospects for doing good were sadly disarranged by the mania for 
gold. By a kind providence just at this time, Bro. Wilcox a very ex- 
cellent local Deacon, came in from Missouri and took a strong hold of 
the work until the present spring. This brother came originally from 
Western N. York and will be useful wherever he goes. . . The member- 
ship amounts to 16. 9 

There were very few church buildings before the organization of 
the Oregon and California Mission Conference. The number of 
preaching places is not mentioned. An appointment was for a cir- 
cuit, which always included an unstated number of preaching sta- 
tions, at some of which, but not all, "classes" were formed. And in 
the conference reports the names of these classes are not given. In 
the absence of Quarterly Conference records (which, in most cases, 
have disappeared) we can only conjecture what must have consti- 
tuted the circuits to which these pioneer preachers were sent. 

On the Calapooia Circuit some settlers' cabins were to be found 
at what are now Albany, Brownsville, and Lebanon. Hugh L. Brown 
and James Blakely settled at what is now Brownsville in 1846, but 
there was no post office there until 1850. Then it was called Cala- 
pooia. The name was not changed to Brownsville until 1859. The 
first settlement was made at Albany in 1846, also, by the Monteith 
brothers. In 1849, a town was started and the first store built at 
what was called "Takena." The name was changed to Albany in 
1850. The first settlers came to what is now Lebanon in 1848. At 
first it was called "Kees Precinct" for Morgan and Jacob Kees, who 
settled there that year. Jeremiah Ralston had the townsite surveyed 
in 1851 and named it Lebanon. The Post Office was established the 
same year. So we may logically conclude that these three settlements, 
together with a number of other preaching places at school houses, 
or in settlers' cabins, constituted the Calapooia Circuit. 10 

In 1847, only scattered settlers' cabins constituted the circuit, 
from which later came several pastoral charges with full time minis- 
ters: Albany, Brownsville, Lebanon, Halsey, Shedd, Harrisburg, to 
say nothing of many schoolhouse appointments which have never 
been mentioned in the Conference Journal. But no one should be 
surprised at the report of William Roberts in 1849 that William 



Helm, who had been working in that territory, was terribly dis- 
couraged because of the lack of results. It surely must have been a 
disappointing thing when the preacher wearily made his way from 
cabin to cabin and came upon some from which the tenants had de- 
parted. How far to the next cabin? and who knows if there will be 
anybody there when we do reach it? 

On the Oregon City Circuit were Oregon City, Clackamas, and 
Portland. It is probable that Canemah and Milwaukie were soon 
added to it. Canemah was founded in 1845, and for many years was 
a place of some importance as a loading and unloading point for 
traffic up and down the river. Milwaukie was founded in 1847. In 
1850, it had a population of about 500, and seriously contested the 
supremacy of both Oregon City and Portland. Portland had a cabin 
or two as early as 1842, but it was not known as Portland until 
1845, when Francis W. Pettygrove and A. L. Lovejoy flipped a 
coin to determine whether it should be "Boston" or "Portland." 
Clackamas did not have a post office at the time of the organization 
of the Oregon and California Mission Conference. 

On the Yamhill Circuit there were Amity, Lafayette, and Dayton 
— that is there were settlements beginning at those places. Lafayette 
was begun in 1847, Amity and Dayton the following year. But ap- 
parently there was no post office on the whole Yamhill Circuit at 
the organization of the Oregon and California Mission Conference 
in 1849. Yamhill Falls Post Office was established in 1850 at the 
head of navigation on the Yamhill River about a mile from the 
present town of Lafayette. This was the first post office in Yamhill 
County. The Lafayette Post Office and also one at Dayton were es- 
tablished in 1851. The Amity Post Office was established a year later. 

On the Tualatin Plains the first settlements began in the early 
forties. The first house was built on the present site of Hillsboro in 
1845, but until 1849 the place was called Columbia, or Columbus. 
The Post Office was not established until 1850. A cabin or two had 
been built upon what is now Forest Grove in 1846, but it was not 
named Forest Grove until 1851. At first these two communities were 
known as East Tualatin Plains and West Tualatin Plains, respective- 
ly. 11 

From the Circuit called "Tualatin Plains," which Roberts re- 
ported to the Missionary Society in 1849 as being so difficult to get 
started, the following churches have developed: Hillsboro, Forest 
Grove, Cornelius, and Beaverton. The Quarterly Conference records 
and the oldest church record (at Hillsboro) list the following 
"classes": Hillsboro, Forest Grove, Dairy Creek, North Plains, Cen- 



terville, East Plains, Gales Creek, Cornelius, Licey's school house, 
Wappato, Beaverton, Reedville, Eanas Chapel or Ames Chapel, 
West Union, and Farmington. It is probable that not all of this 
number were in active existence on this circuit at any one time but 
every one of them reported to the Quarterly Conference as a con- 
stituent part of the circuit. 

On the Mary's River Circuit there were Marysville, later Cor- 
vallis, and Cynthia Ann, later Dallas. A community was forming at 
Skinner's Butte, afterward Eugene; and another had started at 
Belknap Settlement. But before the organization of the Oregon and 
California Mission Conference, no post office had been established 
in that area. The circuits named above were those served by ap- 
pointments made previously. Eight counties covered — Marion 
(Champoeg) , Clackamas, Yamhill, Washington (Tuality) , Clatsop, 
Polk, Benton, and Linn — go back to the time of the Provisional 
Government and antedate the organization of the Oregon and Cali- 
fornia Mission Conference. However, though Clatsop District was 
formed in 1844, there was then no settlement of any size except 
Astoria. Jason Lee established a mission station at Clatsop Plains 
in 1840, but this was given up by George Gary. Clatsop District was 
formed of the northern and western parts of the Tuality District 
set up by the Provisional Government; Clatsop County was not 
formed until later. Polk District or County, which was formed in 
1845, comprised a part of the original Yamhill District. Benton 
County was created in 1847; and Linn County, which in the same 
year was carved out of the original Champoeg District, comprised all 
of Oregon between the Willamette River and the Rocky Mountains, 
and between the Santiam River and the northern boundary of 
California. Most of the people lived in isolated cabins or in very 
small settlements that had not yet been named. The Church fol- 
lowed the settlers very closely indeed. If a Church was to be built, 
it must be built from circuits spread over a wide extent of terri- 
tory. 12 

How were these circuits created? William Roberts has given us 
his ideas: 

My idea is on every circuit let the preacher go and live, if no house 
can be had otherwise let him build one with such help as the people 
can be induced to give and the mission funds do the rest. Then let 
there be a barn and a garden and if need be (and we cannot do with- 
out it) a few acres put in oats. Then whatever time the preacher 
spends in work at home at house or fence or garden or pasture it is 
directly promoting the work of the Itinerancy and not for private per- 



sonal interest. So that very shortly the whole country covered with a 
network of circuits, will be ready for the somewhat comfortable oc- 
cupancy of the pastors or the people living among them, and then the 
swollen rivers and violent storms will seldom or never get between 
the preacher and his work. 13 

But in practice circuits seem to have been created by appointing a 
man to a very indefinite territory with the understanding that he 
must visit the people from place to place and house to house, or 
cabin to cabin, and preach where he could get a handful of people 
together, and then go on a few miles to some other place where he 
could find lodging and another handful of people. And so on and 
on until he had covered a territory sufficient to travel over in a 
month or six weeks, perhaps, telling the people at each place that 
he would be back at a certain time to preach again. 

Statistics for the Methodist Episcopal Church in Oregon prior to 
the organization of the Oregon and California Mission Conference 
will show as well as anything the effectiveness of this type of minis- 
try — under conditions that would undoubtedly oftentimes seem 
discouraging to any group of ministers in any age. The amazing 
thing about it is, not that a few were unable to stand the strain, 
but that so many were. 

Oregon City and Clackamas ... 51 members 

Salem Circuit 105 members and 1 colored member 

Calapooia Circuit 36 members 

Mary's River Circuit 81 members 

Yamhill Circuit 147 members 

Tualatin Plains 16 members 

Portland 7 members 

443 members and 1 colored member 
Last year 315 

Increase 128 members and 1 colored member 

Settlements in the Umpqua Valley began soon after the organi- 
zation of the Oregon and California Mission Conference. Win- 
chester and Elkton were founded in 1850, Drain, Yoncalla, Oakland, 
and Deer Creek (afterward Roseburg) very soon afterward. Our 
first Methodist preacher was sent to this territory in 1852. He was 
James O. Rayner. He undoubtedly served this whole territory, his 
appointments being successively, Winchester, North Umpqua, South 
Umpqua, Deer Creek, and then Jacksonville. In 1860, he was ap- 



pointed to Oregon City. Later he became a Chaplain in the United 
States Army. 

Settlements in Southern Oregon and on the Coast were almost 
simultaneous with those in the Umpqua Valley, though evidently 
just a trifle later. Port Orford was founded in 1851, and the same 
year a Mr. Bills settled at Gold Hill. On Jan. 1, 1852 it is said 
there were 27 or 28 people, all males, living in the Rogue River Val- 
ley. Then gold was discovered, and a peaceful valley (except for 
fear of Indians) became a scene of thriving activity. Creek beds and 
canyons swarmed with gold-hungry miners, and within a month the 
population of Southern Oregon had multiplied itself many times 
over. 14 

The Methodist Church, through the alert Superintendent, Wil- 
liam Roberts, appointed a preacher to this territory also in the 
person of Joseph S. Smith. This was in the same year that James O. 
Rayner was appointed to Winchester, in the Umpqua Valley. The 
two circuits were both on the Mary's River District, with Thomas 
H. Pearne as the Presiding Elder. We will remember that the "Mary's 
River Circuit" included everything south of the Rickreal Creek. As 
settlements expanded southward the circuit became a district and 
that year extended to the California line. 

The next year, 1853, Joseph S. Smith, with "one to be supplied," 
was continued on the circuit called "Rogue's River"; and the 
Umpqua Mission was established, with J. H. Wilbur as Presiding 
Elder. Since T. F. Royal arrived in Jacksonville on October 27th, 
1853, and we know that he served for some eighteen years in South- 
ern Oregon, we assume that he was the "one" who was supplied. He 
was appointed to this circuit, renamed Gold River, the next year, 
and here, at Jacksonville, he built the first church of any denomi- 
nation in Southern Oregon, in 1854. 

Joseph S. Smith began his ministry in 1851, being received on 
trial in the Oregon and California Mission Conference, and ap- 
pointed to the Mary's River Circuit, with John Flinn as co-pastor. 
The only reason for giving an account of him here among the Cir- 
cuit Riders is that he was the first pastor in the Rogue River Valley 
(1852) . It was a second chance for him, for he had failed to go to 
his appointment the year before. In 1854 he was discontinued. The 
life of a Circuit Rider was too much for the health of members of 
his family. 

John Flinn began his ministry in the Maine Conference in 1840. 
He came to Oregon in 1851 and was transferred that year into the 
Oregon and California Mission Conference. His is the longest minis- 



try recorded in Oregon history, about 60 years. His pastorates and 
the districts which he served as Presiding Elder read almost like 
an enumeration of the appointments and districts of Oregon, Wash- 
ington, and Idaho. Some of them are: Jacksonville, and the Illinois 
Valley in Southern Oregon; The Dalles, Cascades, and Walla Walla 
in the Inland Empire; East Tualatin and Hillsboro in the Calapooia 
Circuit; Oregon City and Canemah in the lower Willamette Val- 
ley; Lebanon and Scio; the old Grand Ronde; Boise; and Powder 
River on the upper Columbia and the Snake; and he was Presiding 
Elder of the Walla Walla District, and served in the Puget Sound 
Conference for a time. He died in his 100th year, honored by all. 

About the time that settlement began in the Umpqua and Rogue 
River valleys the same thing was transpiring around Puget Sound. 
At that time, and for thirty years afterward, the Puget Sound region 
was in the territory of the Oregon Annual Conference of the Meth- 
odist Episcopal Church. Jason Lee had established a mission on 
Puget Sound in 1840, and appointed Dr. J. P. Richmond to Nis- 
qually. But, seemingly because of the opposition of the Jesuits, it 
failed as an Indian mission, and our missionaries left. But white set- 
tlement began not long afterward at various places in the region, 
at Tumwater in 1845, at Olympia in 1847, at Seattle in 1851, and 
at Steilacoom and Whidby Island shortly afterward. 

The first session of the Oregon Annual Conference in 1853 ap- 
pointed Benjamin Close as Superintendent of the work in Northern 
Oregon and W. B. Morse as his assistant on the Puget Sound Mis- 
sion. Close was a charter member of the Oregon Annual Confer- 
ence, but after serving one year he left and a year later located at 
his own request. W. B. Morse was received on Trial at the same 
Organizing Conference in 1853, served in the same territory for 
four years, and then he too located at his own request. However, 
during those four years he served Port Townsend and Gamble, 
Whidby Island, Skadjet, and Seattle. 

J. F. DeVore is probably the man, above all others, who should be 
mentioned as the Circuit Rider of the Puget Sound region. In 
August, 1853, the people of Steilacoom received word that a Meth- 
odist minister was expected to arrive by ship to establish a church at 
Olympia. However, they decided that their little village of about 
100 inhabitants should have a church so they sent a delegation to 
intercept the ship and try to induce this preacher to come to Steila- 
coom. They prevailed upon Rev. DeVore to organize a Methodist 
church which he did and before the next conference he built the 
first church of any denomination north of the Columbia River. This 



was in 1853, a year before the Methodist Church was built in Jack- 

At the Conference of 1854, Rev. DeVore was appointed to Olympia, 
where he had been expected to go originally and here too he built 
a church. Rev. Atwood describes this enterprise as follows: 

The sawed lumber was donated by Capt. Clavrick Crosby, owner and 
manager of a saw mill at Tumwater, two and a half miles from 
Olympia. Brother DeVore went to the captain to ask him for a con- 
tribution for the church enterprise. His appearance and dress were 
such that no one would suppose he would care to work. The captain, 
having a vein of humor in his makeup, decided to have some fun with 
the preacher so he replied, "You do not look as though you could work. 
I do not believe you can do a day's work, anyhow ,and I'll tell you what 
I will do — I will give you all the lumber you can get down to Olympia 
in one day without the aid of man or beast." DeVore thanked him and 
went his way. 

In a few days thereafter, when the tide served right, with his dinner 
pail in his hand and a bill of the lumber he wanted in his pocket he 
hied himself away to Tumwater. In the early morning he was alongside 
of Capt. Crosby's big lumber pile. He had left his broadcloth clothes 
and silk hat at home. He began to make up his raft. Noontime came 
and an extra plate was placed on the table for the preacher but he 
thanked the Capt. and excused himself because of his shabby attire and 
need of time to get his lumber. On the turn of the tide he swung his 
raft out into the stream and started for Olympia. Nightfall came and 
his family were alarmed fearing that some harm had befallen him. 
It was a hazardous undertaking to turn the point and make headway 
against the receding tide. Its accomplishment was accompanied with 
difficulty and danger. Some have expressed doubt as to the truthfulness 
of the raft story, but I desire to say that I have consulted both parties 
to this transaction and have given the correct version of it. 

The next year Rev. DeVore was appointed Presiding Elder of 
the Puget Sound District. A part of his term as Presiding Elder he 
was also the Financial Agent for the Puget Sound Wesleyan Insti- 
tute. He was in this region in 1856 when an Indian war was raging. 
Rev. Atwood says of him: 

He resided in Olympia yet he kept up his appointments. The toma- 
hawks of savages and the knives of the scalpers did not turn his feet 
from the path of duty. 15 

He served in this capacity until 1859. 

He also served as Presiding Elder of the Willamette District, the 
Portland District and again of the Puget Sound District as well as 
pastor in various places in the Oregon Conference. However, with 



the division of the Conference in 1884 he went with the churches 
north of the Columbia River into the newly formed Puget Sound 

One more circuit must be mentioned in this general region. At 
the last session of the Oregon and California Mission Conference, 
St. Helens and Cowlitz were listed as a pastoral charge. That was a 
circuit on both sides of the Columbia River, ministering to the 
settlements along that river and along the lower reaches of the 
Cowlitz. This circuit was left "to be supplied," but Rev. Atwood 
tells us that G. M. Berry was appointed. He lived at St. Helens, 
but had to cross the Columbia River to reach most of his circuit. 

We have mentioned the fact that settlement along the coast began 
at nearly the same time as in the Rogue River Valley. Port Orford 
had its first settler in 1851, Empire City in 1853 and Coos Bay in 
1854. There were few other settlements between those named and 
Elkton on the Umpqua River, nor to the south as far as the Rogue 
River. Indeed, it was a party from Jacksonville that started the first 
settlement at Empire City. It was a widely scattered circuit to which 
Christopher Alderson was appointed in 1854 to Coos Bay and Port 
Orford. Coos Bay was more the name of a region than a definite 
place. Settlement was begun that same year but it was called Marsh- 
field. In 1857, Rev. Alderson was reappointed to the Coos Bay Cir- 
cuit. Mr. Yoakam, his wife and six children came from Jacksonville 
in 1854 and settled on a claim between Coos Bay and Port Orford, 
and probably Rev. Alderson visited them on his trips; but with the 
discovery of gold on the Coquille River Yoakam and his neighbor, 
Russell Dement, settled on the south fork of that stream. Here 
Rev. Alderson visited Yoakam and preached in his cabin, going 
from there to Adam Day in Camas Valley and from there to the 
junction of the Middle and South Forks of the Coquille River, with 
no settlement between for forty miles. Of this trip, Mr. Alderson has 
left us an account: 

Such a mountain trail! With so many windings around the tops and 
buts of fallen timber, sometimes over logs, then under here and there a 
suspended tree, we never witnessed .... 

and regarding another trip when he and two other ministers went 
to preach: 

That night, being the first of March, 1858, I spent in a fir thicket 
without blankets or overcoat, built a huge fire and kept it going until 
morning. The next day at noon we reached Mr. Yoakam's place. 



Rev. Alderson served in the Oregon Conference on many extended 
circuits for nearly forty years, being received into the Conference 
on Trial in 1856, finally retiring in 1895. 

William Helm is another remarkable circuit rider, being the 
first minister in that great territory known as the Calapooia Circuit. 
This took in all the territory south of Rickreal Creek on the west 
side of the Willamette River, as well as all the territory south of 
the Santiam River on the east side of the Willamette. He was a 
located Elder of the Kentucky Conference who had migrated to 
Oregon and taken up a homestead. When the Oregon and Cali- 
fornia Mission Conference was organized in 1849 he was received 
into that Conference on his certificate of location. He gave assurance 
that if the time came when he could not go to the place assigned him, 
by virtue of the fact that he was living on his own claim, he would 
seek a location. He did that just two years later, but was given a 
supernumerary relation instead, finally retiring in 1857. His service 
is significant only in the sense that he faithfully laid the foundation 
in that part of Oregon for such churches as Albany, Lebanon, 
Brownsville, all tracing their beginning to William Helm. 

Thomas F. Royal was truly a royal character. He began his minis- 
try in 1846 in the Rock River Conference, coming to Oregon in 
the fall of 1853 too late for the Organizing Conference, at which he 
was appointed to Spencer's Butte. He and his party stopped at 
Jacksonville and he began his ministry in Oregon in conjunction 
with young Joseph S. Smith. For eighteen years he served in South- 
ern Oregon in the Rogue and Umpqua Valleys as pastor and Presid- 
ing Elder or agent for Umpqua Academy. He continued building 
the first church of any denomination in Southern Oregon at Jackson- 
ville, in 1854. His ministry of 50 years in Oregon took him from 
the southern to the northern end of the state and continued until 
his supernumeration in 1896. 

The same year that T. F. Royal dedicated the church in Southern 
Oregon, 1854, a group of people recently from the East settled a 
few miles south of Oregon City and met in a log school house near 
where the Needy Post Office was established about a year later and 
organized the Rock Creek Methodist Church. The school house 
was on the Butteville Circuit with C. O. Hosford whom the Con- 
ference had rejected for admission on trial the year before but whom 
the Presiding Elder requested permission of the Conference to em- 
ploy. Five years after this initial meeting Rock Creek became the 
head of the circuit and Butteville an out-appointment. Classes on 
this circuit, named in the Quarterly Conference record, are: Rock 



Creek, Butteville, Howell Prairie, Bald Hill, Union School House, 
Molalla, Goudy's School House, Belpassi, White's School House, 
Marquam School House, Grassy Point School House, Hubbard, 
Woodburn, and Glad Tidings. 16 Though it is doubtful if all these 
were on the circuit at one and the same time, they were all constit- 
uent parts. 

Chauncey O. Hosford began his ministry in the days of the Oregon 
Mission. He lived in the home of William Roberts and had been 
traveling companion to the superintendent. He was admitted on 
trial at the organization of the Oregon and California Mission Con- 
ference; two years later he was discontinued at his own request to 
settle on a donation land claim. At the organization of the Oregon 
Annual Conference he made application for admission on trial in 
that body but was turned down because he was living on his own land 
claim. However, he was employed by the Presiding Elder and ap- 
pointed to Mary's River Circuit. The next year he became pastor at 
Butteville, organizing the church at Rock Creek. He did not turn 
out to be a good "traveling" preacher for he finally took a "loca- 
tion" at his own request ten years after the organization of the 
Oregon Annual Conference. However, he was an active Local 
Preacher to a ripe old age. His claim to be one of that honored band 
of Circuit Riders, however, is well founded for he did faithfully 
travel with William Roberts and was faithful as an itinerant while 
he was in the active ministry. 

Some others of the mighty men who laid the foundations of 
Methodism in the Oregon Country are: William and J. H. B. Royal, 
the Starrs, Noah A. and P. M., the Millers, Isaac and J. W., Luther 
T. Woodward, C. G. Belknap, and several others. 

Robert Booth was admitted on trial in the Oregon Annual Con- 
ference in 1855. His first charge was the North Yamhill and Cheha- 
lem Circuit. He had a wife and four children to support. Mrs. Booth 
was left with the care of the children for days and sometimes weeks 
at a time. There was danger from wild beasts and Indians. A typical 
instance was the visit of some Indians to the cabin of Mrs. Booth. 
She noticed that the squaws were wearing dresses that looked like 
some she had seen her neighbor wearing; but she said nothing. 
They asked for food, and she gave them what she had and treated 
them as kindly as she knew how. After a time they left. A few days 
later she learned that they had come that day with the intention of 
killing her and her children, as they had killed her neighbor a few 
days before, planning to take their clothes as they had taken her 
neighbor's. But she had treated them so kindly that they changed 



their plans and did not molest her, except to take most of the food 
she had in the house. 17 

A son of this household, Hon. Robert A. Booth, dedicated the 
magnificent statue of the Circuit Rider which now graces the 
grounds of the State Capitol in honor of his circuit-riding father and 
all the other Circuit Riders who laid the foundations of the Church 
in Oregon. 

Isaac D. Driver was one of the greatest men of Oregon Methodism. 
He was converted at a camp meeting held by J. H. Wilbur in 1857 
and received his first appointment as a Methodist Circuit Rider six 
months later. His first circuit was 150 miles in extent, and he was 
obliged to reach his appointments on foot and on horseback. He 
was pastor, Presiding Elder, agent for the American Bible Society, 
agent for Portland Hospital, agent for Drain Academy, lecturer and 
writer. Dwight L. Moody said of him that he was the ablest defender 
and expositor of the Word that he had met in his world-wide travels. 
He successfully debated with such men as Charles Watts and Robert 
Ingersoll. He was a prodigious worker. He scaled mountains, forded 
rivers, traveled the plains — by day. He studied books by night. 18 

There were no bridges across any of the large rivers in those 
early days. The only way to get across the large rivers and the bays 
was by Indian canoe. Ferries, however, were established fairly early 
across the smaller rivers. A ferry was established across the Rogue 
River in 1853, and other ferries were in operation across other 
streams. It was very soon found necessary to regulate the charges 
for ferry service, which was very strictly done, and a fixed schedule 
of prices was established for people, cattle, horses and sheep, as well 
as for vehicles. 

The settlers very early realized the need for better roads, indeed 
the vital necessity for them. But it was a tremendous problem in a 
country so sparsely settled. It was evident that road building must 
be a community enterprise. There were trails of course; but even 
clearing a trail for a pack horse was a job that required superlative 
initiative. Paths were barely wide enough for a pack horse to get 
through with his load. Fallen logs were seldom cut, but if they 
were too high for a horse to jump, the trail must be cut around them. 
Routes followed the dividing ridges so as to avoid the rivers and 
swamps as much as possible, hence were hilly and circuitous. Be- 
cause they were increasingly unsatisfactory, it is not strange that 
in due time a law was enacted, with general agreement, that each 
male citizen or settler should give two days of each year for public 
road building or pay $1.00 into the road-tax fund. Road building 



activity was of vital importance to the Methodist Church and to the 
itinerant ministry. 

It was not long after the settlement of the Rogue River Valley 
that agitation began for stage and mail connections with the out- 
side world. There were settlements to the north, across the moun- 
tains, in the Umpqua Valley, at Winchester, Deer Creek, Drain, 
Elkton, and Yoncalla. With constant fear of Indian trouble, to say 
nothing of the difficulties of carrying on normal life without con- 
nections with other parts of the country, it was imperative that 
regular mail and stage connections should be established as soon as 
possible. Stage service was initiated on a weekly basis between Jack- 
sonville and Portland in 1859. The Post Office at Gold River was 
established shortly after gold was discovered on Jackson Creek and 
at Jacksonville in 1854, but it was not until 1860 that the Post 
Office Department arranged for the carrying of the mails from 
Portland to Jacksonville and way points. It seems that, prior to 
that date, the mail was very irregular, and indeed that the connec- 
tions with California were closer than with the northern part of 
Oregon. In 1860, the California Stage Company was given the con- 
tract to carry daily mail from Portland to Sacramento. 

Crescent City, California, was founded in 1853; and that same 
year a trail was opened between the Rogue River and the new town. 
Within a few years this route had become one of the main thorough- 
fares between Oregon and California. In January of 1857 the Oregon 
Legislature provided for the construction of a road from Jackson- 
ville to the California line along the Crescent City trail. 19 

We have mentioned only a few of the circuits of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church in Oregon. Always, in due time, some of the 
"classes" that had composed a circuit would become strong enough 
to demand more of the time and attention of the pastor than he 
could give while serving a great area composed of a dozen or more 
preaching places, therefore separate pastoral charges split off from 
the Circuit to form other and smaller circuits or "stations." It is 
probable that not a single church in the early decades of the Meth- 
odist Church in Oregon was a "station" in its beginning. 

One last circuit must be mentioned and one of the greatest of 
the Circuit Riders — one of the last who can rightfully be called by 
that name. He began his ministry some twenty years after the Ore- 
gon Annual Conference was organized, and his service extends into 
that period when the life of the minister was so changed that it is 
scarcely appropriate to call him a Circuit Rider in the same sense 



as those we have already described. Nevertheless, T. L. Jones be- 
longs distinctly in that class. 

Thomas Lewis Jones began his ministry in 1872, being appointed 
to a circuit which he says was 

ninety-five miles long and seventy wide, consisting of sixteen preach- 
ing places, and owning only two dollars and fifty cents' worth of church 
property, viz., a church record and two class books. 

Those places were Althouse, Grants Pass, Evans Creek, Briggs School 
House, New Hope, Sam's Valley, Rock Point, and nine others which 
he did not name. He preached in miners' cabins, settlers' cabins, 
school houses and camp grounds. In a ministry of more than forty 
years as pastor, Presiding Elder and Conference Evangelist, he was 
called upon to endure the same kind of hardships as the most heroic 
of the Circuit Riders. Once he was forced to cross a wide expanse 
of country that was flooded by torrential rains, walking on floating 
logs and jumping off into water up to his armpits and wading out 
on the other side. 20 At another time he was surrounded by Indians 
in war paint who demanded food which he could not supply. They 
were very belligerent, arrogant, and threatening but finally , left 
without doing him any harm. Scarcely had he reached civilization, 
however, before they began to murder white settlers and travelers 
and drive off their livestock. 21 Still another time, while traveling 
his district as Presiding Elder, he had to make a journey of sixty 
miles on foot, carrying his valise on his back. Rains had made the 
mud in places almost knee deep and there was nowhere to go at 
the sides of the trail. He was plastered with mud to his knees and 
exhausted by the time he arrived at a place where he expected to 
find a hotel or eating place on the stage route over which he had 
traveled before. However, the hotel had been burned since his last 
visit and there was nothing left but a barn. Somebody seemed to be 
living in it, however, so he asked for food. Wet and bedraggled as 
he was, he looked like a tramp, and that is what the man thought he 
was when he made his request. After the first refusal Rev. Jones 
said, "It's eight miles to the next house and I'm afraid I cannot 
make it." He was very hungry. So the man consented; but before 
the woman in the barn had time to prepare a meal, the dogs had 
chased a deer out of the woods, and a feast was had on venison. 22 
This last incident occurred after railroads had been built and stage 
travel was common; but on this trip, on reaching the head of navi- 
gation on the Coquille River, Jones found the roads impassable for 



stages. The mail was carried on pack-horses; there was no transpor- 
tation for passengers. 

T. L. Jones was a rather small man, but quick and wiry. Before 
he was converted he was a gold miner with a fiery temper; and he 
loved to fight. After he was converted, he was a fiery evangelist and 
continued to be such as long as health and strength allowed him to 
preach. Revivals were the regular thing in the churches he served 
and for a time he was the Conference Evangelist in connection with 
T. L. Sails. After his retirement he continued to hold revival meet- 
ings for his brethren in the ministry. One evening, during a revival 
thus held for the author of this sketch, he remarked, "that was the 
3000th convert of my ministry, tonight." 

It would be impossible for a full roster of the Circuit Riders to 
be given in anything but the roll of the recording angel. Moreover, 
it would be impossible to say exactly when the day of the Circuit 
Rider ceased. Perhaps it was when railroads and highways were 
built and preachers were no longer compelled to travel on foot or 
horseback and in Indian canoes. But those things came gradually 
and, in some sections of the country, the pastor on a wide circuit, 
or the Presiding Elder on a vastly extended district, was, until very 
recently, very much a pioneer. 

John Parsons has aptly written of the Circuit Riders: 

Great were the trials of those early preachers. Onward they marched, 
outward they pushed, over hard roads, through trackless forests, in a 
wild and wilderness country they hastened on errands of mercy. Pulpits 
impugned their motives, the press maligned their integrity, the ballad 
singer and the witling made them the subjects of ribaldry and jests. 
Some of them were egged, some stoned, some beaten with rods, and 
some covered with coats of tar. Loved by some, they were hated by 
others; received kindly in one place, they were scornfully rejected in 
another. But, though burdened by sorrow, chased by foes, pressed by 
disappointment, they did not yield to discouragement, nor give up in 

Where shall we find a match for the heroes of the Circuit Rider's 
heroic age? If they were untaught in the learning of the schools, they 
were peerless in their mastery of the mysteries of the Divine. If they 
were poor in this world's goods, they were rich in mercy and good 
works. If they were poorly fed and poorly clad, they had on the wedding 
garment and enjoyed the king's feast. If they were frail in body, they 
were flush in spirit, having reached the fulness of the measure of the 
stature of Christ. 

Besides, their work was a benediction. They found men in darkness 
and left them in light. They found men sorrowful and left them glad; 



they found men under the iron hand of hate and left them under the 
gentle power of love; they found men in fear of death and hell and 
judgment and left them in the hope of immortality and eternal life. 23 

One additional thing needs to be said: these men were, for the 
most part, poorly equipped scholastically in comparison with the 
ministers of this generation. But in their ability to cope with the 
situation which they faced in their generation, they compared well 
with the best- trained ministers of today who face modern problems. 
And we, who live in comfortable parsonages with at least a stated 
living wage, traveling on comfortable trains and buses or in our 
own automobiles, must use our imagination to understand the price 
these men paid to lay the foundations of the Church which we have 
inherited. Very few of these men ever received a salary equal even to 
that of the novice fresh from the seminary of today, but they laid 
the foundations and sowed the seed. It remains for us of this genera- 
tion to build the superstructure and to reap the harvest — not for- 
getting our debt to the Circuit Riders of old Oregon. 


Chapter IX 
Indian Missions and Indian Trouble 

TNDIAN trouble was a complication greatly affecting the original 
■*■ missionaries, early conference activities, and the work of the 
great pioneer circuit riders. More than "bad medicine" was involved 
as incoming settlers, doubling in number annually, were forced to 
encroach more and more deeply into Indian hunting grounds. Min- 
ing enthusiasms, especially, led commonly to disturbances. The na- 
tives were losing their freedom to practice their own ways of liv- 
ing; and their very sources of food supply were being destroyed. 

As early as the summer of 1842, Indians showed their conscious- 
ness of the inimical results of white invasion. Naturally, they were 
much disturbed by destruction of the game on which they subsisted. 
And there were agitators among them who tried to whip up even 
greater animosity. Frequent wagon trains that streamed through 
the upper country after 1846, though they were headed for the 
Willamette Valley, were an ominous warning to the Indians that 
white people would take over their country. There is nothing strange 
about rumblings of hostility and threats and actuality of war. 

Especially vulnerable, perhaps, were the strange — to the natives 
— invaders who came as missionaries, or later served as circuit 
riders. Because of inner drives that often led enthusiasts to ignore 
realities, they were in more danger than they realized. The fate of 
the Whitman missionaries, at least, illustrates the point. Our study 
is of Oregon missions of the Methodist Church, but there was no 
dividing line between Methodists and American Board missionaries 
so far as the Indians were concerned. 

Though activated by an over-all transcendent spirituality, Jason 
Lee was nevertheless a shrewd Yankee and an experienced woods- 
man. Sensing a serious situation, he determined to have a conference 
with Indian leaders in an effort to come to some sort of agreement. 
Accordingly, though it was in the midst of winter (January 23-30, 
1843) he took four trusted Indians and made the journey to The 
Dalles through rain and snow and ice and tempestuous winds. The 
story of that perilous journey, and of the sufferings which he and 
his party endured is one of the classics of missionary history. 1 No 
wonder he died at 41! 

At The Dalles, he discussed the common problem with a chief 



with whom he had been on friendly terms, Peu-peu-mox-mox (Yel- 
low Serpent) , and with other Indians. The latter frankly stated their 
fears that the coming of so many white people meant the end of 
their own existence; and Peu-peu-mox-mox said that he wanted to 
know whether the whites wanted war or peace. Lee did not dodge 
the issue, nor did he hide the seriousness of the coming of white 
people into Indian country. He replied: 

That will depend largely upon yourselves. If you imitate our industry 
and adopt our habits, your poverty will soon disappear and your 
people will have things as well as we. Our hands are our wealth, and 
you and your people have hands as well as we, and you only need to 
use them properly in order to gain property. 

I illustrated this by showing them that Americans who passed through 
their country entirely destitute would by their industry upon the 
Willamette in a few years have horses and cattle and houses and other 
property, the fruits of their own labors. 2 

The conference was apparently successful. The words of Lee, 
putting, as they did, the real issue so clearly, undoubtedly sounded 
logical as they came from the lips of a fair-minded and sincere man. 
For the time being, the representations were accepted by the In- 
dians as a basis for a truce. But it is no small thing to change the 
whole mode of living of an entire people. To evolve from an econ- 
omy of hunting and fishing into one of manual labor, and to substitute 
for the roving life and the excitement of the chase a condition 
of fixed residence, were developments that could not be effected 
quickly, even in thought. Not that easily could long centuries of 
tradition be forgotten. 

We must remember that Lee's conference was held while Marcus 
Whitman was in the East; however, Mrs. Whitman was then at The 
Dalles, where she had taken refuge from Indians who were even 
then threatening violence at Waiilatpu. Then, when Whitman 
returned in the fall of 1843 with about a thousand wagons, the In- 
dians became more excited than ever. This time they favored im- 
mediate war upon the whites and extermination before the invaders 
became stronger. 

Earlier, in the summer of 1840, upon the arrival of supplementary 
missionary personnel, Jason Lee had established three additional 
mission stations, and he contemplated a fourth. The new stations 
were at Willamette Falls, Clatsop and Nisqually; the one planned 
was to be on the Umpqua, somewhere below the Hudson's Bay fort. 
H. K. Hines has given us a vivid description of Lee's trip to contact 



the Indians of the region preparatory to establishment of a mission 
among them. 3 Since brother Gustavus Hines was in the party, it is 
quite safe to assume the authenticity of the account. Really, the 
menacing attitudes of the Umpqua Indians might have been ex- 
pected. Traders knew that hostilities like those experienced by the 
Jedediah Smith party were still a possibility to be guarded against. 
Realistically, Lee appointed Hines to other work. 

Indian grapevine communications could not have failed to spread 
widely feelings of uneasiness about Methodist expansion. Extended 
infiltration was doubtless a more potent stimulus to Indian unrest 
than was alleged Hudson's Bay Company and Catholic opposition 
to Protestant missionary activities. Sour grape recriminations of 
outraged and thwarted anti-Catholic missionaries, continuing into 
their older years and filtering into the histories, have tended to 
distort our conclusions as to motivations behind trouble with the 
Indians. Direct, rather than indirect, influences must have been 
most significant. Confusion in native minds may, however, have been 
increased somewhat by the secondary influences that we seem to 
have exaggerated. 

True, American colonists often felt somewhat uncertain about 
attitudes, and about needed support from Catholics, Canadians and 
Company. When, in 1843, the Indians east of the mountains were, 
perhaps, planning to make war on the white settlers, the latter began 
to take stock of armament available in case of attack. It was said 
that "all were engaged in repairing guns and in securing ammuni- 
tion." The tranquility of the public mind was not increased when 
the report was circulated that Dr. McLoughlin would refuse to grant 
supplies for any consideration to those persons who had subscribed 
to the memorial of 1840 praying Congress to extend its jurisdiction 
over Oregon. As nearly all the settlers, including the missionaries, had 
signed the document, and since nearly all the arms and ammunition 
in the country were locked up in the warehouses of the Hudson's 
Bay Company, the situation seemed serious. 4 

Indian Sub-Agent, Elijah White, taking with him Gustavus Hines 
and competent aids, boldly if not rashly went among the restless 
Indians in an attempt to avert trouble. Though Dr. McLoughlin was 
in one of his occasional "grizzly moods" because of the petition and 
on account of his misgivings concerning the wisdom of the expedi- 
tion, he did supply what was needed. The negotiators did escape 
possible dire consequences, and they secured the cooperation of 
Indian chiefs in enforcement of Dr. White's unpopular disciplinary 
rules. 5 



It was in the ensuing period of comparative calm that Jason Lee 
was summarily dismissed by the Board of Missions and replaced 
by Rev. George Gary, who had authority to make whatever changes 
in the Mission he might find desirable, even to discontinuance of 
the project. The new Superintendent's decision to transfer the 
mission station at The Dalles to the American Board, under Dr. 
Whitman's administration, though consummated, was reversed 
suddenly, when on November 29, 1847, the Indians attacked Dr. 
and Mrs. Whitman at Waiilatpu, and along with eleven other vic- 
tims hacked them to pieces, destroyed the mission and terrorized 
the personnel at all the stations of the American Board. 

The tragic disaster was a loss for all missionaries, and the peril 
inevitably involved the Methodists. William Roberts, who was Su- 
perintendent of the Oregon Mission at the time, wrote: 

My acquaintance with Dr. Whitman has been limited, of course, but 
I have recognized in him a deeply pious and indefatigable laborer in 
the missionary field with a heart overflowing with sympathy for the 
perishing Indian race, he has been assiduously laboring for years to im- 
prove their condition. And now while standing manfully at his post, 
he has fallen by the hand of savage violence. I desire here for myself 
and my brethren members of our Mission to express our deepest Chris- 
tian sympathies both to his friends in the States and the Board under 
whose auspices he was laboring, in view of this afflictive event. The 
heart of the whole community at this moment throbs with emotion 
at the intelligence. 

He went on to indicate the peril of the situation to the rest of 
the whites inhabiting the country: 

Nor is this all that is to be feared. The Indians threatened to go to 
Clear Water and to The Dalls [sic] to murder the residents in those 
places. The most efficient measures in our power have been adopted 
to send relief. A company of more than 40 have volunteered and gone 
to The Dalls to hold that place until a larger force can be raised and 
sent to the upper country to bring away the women and children who 
may yet be alive, and proceed to the residences of Messrs Spalding, 
Walker, and Eells, whose situation if they are yet alive must be iminent- 
ly perilous. 

Further, the stand-offish attitude of the Hudson's Bay Company 
made it imperative that the newly-formed Provisional Government 
should help in this crisis. But it should be said to the credit of the 
Company that they did undertake to barter with the Indians for the 
return of the women and children whom they had captured. 

William Roberts continued in the same letter: 



The Legislature of the territory is now in session in this city [Oregon 
City] and is a very respectable body: Greatly perplexed however, with 
the present aspect of Indian affairs. If the Cayuses have succeeded in 
drawing the Walla Walla and Nez Perce Indians into hostile measures 
against the whites, we are involvedin a most serious and embarrasing 
[sic] war which this Country has no means to sustain. Application has 
been made ... to the Hudson's Bay Com'y for a loan, but the Chief 
Factor [James Douglas] replied that the instructions of the Company 
would not allow him to make such appropriation. 

A public meeting of the Citizens was then called and such were the 
exegencies of the case that it was regarded as indispensable for me to 
furnish aid to the amount of S1000. I stedfastly [sic] resisted air ap- 
plications until I became convinced that the circumstances would not 
only justify, but really demanded compliance. 6 

The Methodist Church at this time had no Indian Mission in 
Oregon, George Gary having sold the farm and other mission proper- 
ty at Clatsop, the Indian Mission Manual Labor School at Chemeke- 
ta to the trustees of the Oregon Institute, and the mission at The 
Dalles to Dr. Whitman. The mission at Willamette Falls had become 
a white church. 

The letters of William Roberts during this period indicate the 
troubled condition of the country, and the strain under which the 
incipient Church had to operate. 

Fortunately for the white settlers in the lower Columbia and 
Willamette Valleys, the Indians in those localities were more friend- 
ly, and those from east of the mountains did not attempt to come 
farther than the Deschutes River. They did come that far, and put 
a "medicine man" to death, but then retired without doing further 

It seems that the American Government was too much engrossed 
with the Mexican War to pay much attention to the troubles of 
the American settlers in Oregon. This seeming lack of interest 
rather irked the settlers, and that irritation is reflected in Roberts' 
letter to the Corresponding Secretary of the Board of Missions. He 

You will by this time perceive that the failure of the American Gov. 
to send its laws for our control, and its troops for the protection of its 
own citizens as they approach our exposed border is a great calamity. 
The Mexican War may [explain] but cannot justify the failure. Many 
thousand dollars worth of property have been stolen from the Emi- 
grants this season along the route, and as you see several valuable lives 
lost simply for want of 20 to 100 men stationed at proper points along 
the road to prevent Indian aggressions. 



A little later in the same letter Roberts wrote: 

You will, of course, expect me to say if the recent disaster will in any 
way affect the prosperity of our Mission or the safety of the Mission- 
aries. I think not. It may prevent some of my excursions among the 
Indians another season and certainly does seem to darken the prospect 
of doing any good to them whatever. 7 

A few days later, on Dec. 27, 1847, he wrote: 

Up to this moment we hear nothing that is positively certain from 
the Dalles. The general opinion is that the property at The Dalles has 
fallen into the hands of the Cayuses, and that the Company of 
volunteers sent there are encamped in an open bottom 3 miles below 
awaiting further orders. 

The uncertainty and anxiety in such conditions could not help 
being detrimental to the work of the Church, and to business, in- 
dustry, and social life. Of this Roberts wrote in another letter: 

The present war operates unfavorably on the public mind as far as 
piety is concerned. To say nothing of the demoralizing tendency of war 
at all times. The employment of so many men and means including 
some of our members calling them away from their homes and families 
cannot but cripple our operations in some parts of our work. 

A few lines below he continued: 

In my letters via Canada I mentioned that Mr. Ogden of the Hudson 
Bay Company had succeeded in purchasing the persons held in captivity 
by the Indians including the families of Mr. Spalding and Mr. Osborn 
with the women and orphan children and had all (amounting to 51 
persons) arrived in safety. The treatment of the captive women was 
horrible, tho their lives were spared. Mr. Spalding has gone to the 
Twalatine plains and the orphans are placed in families where they will 
be well taken care of. We have not heard from Messrs. Walker and 
Eells up to the last account they had concluded to remain at their post. 
Altho fears may well be entertained for their safety. Our war continues. 
. . . The Governor has just issued a proclamation for 300 more volun- 
teers and while I am writing troops of horsemen caparisoned for In- 
dian warfare are passing by my window while now and then a wounded 
man is seen waiting for returning health that he may return and again 
renew the deadly strife. Up to this time it is not known that one of the 
murderers has been killed but it is almost certain that terrible 
vengeance awaits them. 8 

In succeeding letters to the Board of Missions, Roberts complained 
of the disruption of church work by the continuing war with the 



Indians. Fortunately, they made no unified effort to destroy the 
white settlements; nevertheless, in many parts of the country they 
were belligerent; and, since whites and Indians were intermingled 
in most of the territory, clashes between the two groups were fre- 
quent. Sometimes one was the aggressor, sometimes the other. 
In Roberts' report to the Missionary Society in 1849 he wrote: 

Saml. Newman a Local Preacher, was killed by the Indians in Cali- 
fornia. . . The general facts seem to be that while he and two others 
were hunting for their oxen they came upon the Indians who had taken 
them and were cruelly murdered and their bodies burned. The mining 
business is not without its perils. 9 

Trouble with the Indians began almost immediately along the 
Rogue and Umpqua Valleys upon the coming of miners and set- 
tlers to those localities, in the early '50s. The Indians resented the 
settlement of the country, and also the mining of their gold — though 
they were largely ignorant of its presence until the white men began 
to open up the mines and pan for it in the streams. 

Sale and abandonment by the Methodists of mission stations and 
dreamed-of operations by no means ended their missionary effort. 
Even before the organization of the Oregon Annual Conference, 
establishment, or re-establishment of missions continued. 

At the third session of the Oregon and California Mission Con- 

The report of the Committee on Missions was adopted containing the 
following resolutions: 

1st. There exists an imperative demand upon the M. E. Church to in- 
crease her missionary efforts in this country until the spiritual wants 
of the people are provided for. 

2nd. The Indians within our borders have a paramount claim upon 
our most prompt and vigorous action in their behalf and that two or 
more men should be devoted to their interests. 

3rd. That the President of the Conference be respectfully requested to 
communicate with the proper departments in order to secure the object 
of the foregoing resolution, and obtain a sufficient supply of mission- 
aries to fill the work and render it more efficient throughout our 


Bro. Roberts read to the Conference his communication to the Mission- 
ary Society at New York relative to the importance and necessity of at- 
tention to the Indians, to which he obtained no response. Also his 



correspondence with the commanding officer of the U. S. Military 
Service at the Grand Dalles of the Columbia. 10 

Seemingly the Missionary Society at New York, having closed 
the Oregon Mission, was unwilling to reverse its policy and appoint 
more missionaries. General Wool, who at this time was in command 
of the department of the Pacific, would give no help or encourage- 
ment. He was inclined to blame white people for much of the dif- 
ficulty; and he advocated exclusion of whites from "Indian coun- 
try," in other words, from the entire area east of the Cascade Moun- 
tains. The General's policy, if adopted, would have affected settlers 
on the west side of the mountains, or would have left a great Indian 
empire between Oregon and the American Congress and govern- 
ment. 11 Missionaries operating within that area would have lacked 
adequate protection. 

In remote areas, denied adequate, or any military aid, settlers, 
forced to defend themselves as best they could unassisted, gathered 
themselves together for mutual protection, and most of the isolated 
settlers left their homes and congregated in the little towns and 
villages. The savages ravaged the countryside, burning houses and 
farm buildings and driving off the livestock. In many instances they 
were better armed than the whites, and life even in the villages was 
not safe. 

1853 was a year of troubles and excitement in Jacksonville. A deadly 
war was determined upon by the Indians who were every day more 
emboldened by success; more eager for blood as each successive white 
life was taken. Several settlers in the outskirts of the valley had been 
picked off by straggling Indians. One afternoon in August the crack of 
a "Siwash" rifle was heard in the eastern edge of town; a riderless 
mule with a bloody saddle galloped madly along California street and 
was recognized as that of a prominent citizen — Thomas Wills, who had 
been absent from town but a few hours. Armed men went out instantly 
to where the shot had been heard and soon returned with the bleeding 
body of Mr. Wills, who had received a mortal wound, and survived 
only a few days. This audacious act angered and alarmed the towns- 
people and among the families there was intense excitement, there 
being scarcely a bullet-proof habitation in town, which could not be 
easily approached under cover from nearly every direction. To make 
matters worse, arms were by no means plentiful, and there was little 
doubt that, had an attack been made in force and the savages been 
willing to risk their skins, they might have captured and destroyed the 
little town. Pickets were thrown out nightly and the greatest vigilance 
exercised by day, but notwithstanding all precautions only a few days 



elapsed until a man named Nolan was shot dead within rifle range of 
the business district. 12 

Outrages brought reprisals from the whites, which in turn, brought 
further atrocities from the Indians, so that a very savage period of 
history was enacted before the Indians were finally subdued and 
peace restored. According to Eclus Pollock of Grants Pass, the Grants 
Pass Methodist church, which was organized in 1856 in an old log 
house without a roof, was the only house left standing by the 
Indians during these awful days — and the roof was gone. 

However, The Methodist Church in spite of all obstacles, . was 
beginning to establish itself in troubled territory. Jacksonville was 
the scene of their earliest effort, with the building by 1854 of the 
first church of any denomination in Southern Oregon. Fortunately, 
at that time, Indians did not seem to be entirely indiscriminate in 
their hatreds. Sometimes they did distinguish between miners and 
settlers and missionaries. One story of Jacksonville has been told 
by Roland R. Orne: 

The preachers of the time must have led a rugged life. One of the 
earliest of the Methodist ones was Rev. John McGee who traveled from 
one mine to another preaching the gospel on Sunday and mining gold 
during the week. That he was well liked by the Rogue Indians is 
evidenced by the following story. 

One day the Chief of the Rogues came to Mr. McGee and said, "Going 
to be war between Indian and white man, me bring braves and take 
you to safe place, me no want Bible man killed." Mr. McGee was taken 
north to the Willamette Valley between Salem and Oregon City and 
kept there until the trouble was over. 13 

The story is almost unbelievable, for it involved taking McGee 
more than a hundred miles, through the territories of hostile Rogue 
River, Umpqua and Yoncalla Indians and deep into unfriendly 
Calapooia haunts. Furthermore, the identity of John McGee is 
not clearly established. No man of that name was ever appointed 
Methodist pastor to Jacksonville. However, had he been a local 
preacher, he might have been on the Jacksonville circuit at the time 
of the trouble with the Rogue River Indians without gaining a 
place on Conference records. 

It is a remarkable thing that, in a time of such turmoil and 
savagery, the Church would even think of special service to the 
natives. However, at the second session of the Oregon Annual Con- 
ference, 1854, Bishop Osman C. Baker named a full-time "Mis- 



sionary to the Indians" when he read the Conference appointments. 

The man selected was Josiah L. Parrish. Though only 48 years of 
age, already he had behind him a laborious career. He had begun 
his ministry in the Genesee Conference in 1830, then had come to 
Oregon with Lee in 1840 as the Mission blacksmith. Received on 
trial, he was a charter member of the Oregon and California Mission 
Conference in 1849, but was discontinued at his own request the 
following year. He retained his Local Preacher's status, however, 
and acting Superintendent David Leslie appointed him in 1844 
missionary in charge of the Clatsop mission. He was serving in this 
capacity when George Gary disbanded the Oregon Mission. 

In 1853, at the organization of the Oregon Annual Conference, 
Parrish was again received on trial and was appointed full time 
Missionary to the Indians. 

No indication is given as to the source of his support or the 
territory he was to cover. The indications are that he was to minister 
to the Indians wherever he could find them, for they had not yet 
been put on reservations. The Missionary Society later assumed 
the support of the Indian Missionary, a duty it still discharges. 

It is a bit difficult to say when the Indian wars were over. Some 
ended sooner than others, and even after a war ended and a treaty 
was signed, some time elapsed before all hostilities ceased and be- 
fore the Indians could be transferred to their agreed-upon reserva- 
tions. In several cases Indians reneged on their agreements, re- 
turned to their former haunts and killed the settlers who had moved 
in. By 1854 and 1855, most of the treaties had been ratified. Still 
there were rumblings of discontent and at least occasional hostilities 
long after that time. 

Washington Territory, especially, suffered from the Indian wars. 
Farmers were nearly bankrupt, farms were run down, farm labor 
had been otherwise occupied, either with fighting or mining. Roads 
and enterprises had been neglected. 14 

In southern Oregon, too, commerce, agriculture and mining 
came almost to a standstill. Jacksonville became a place of refuge. 
The end of hostilities, however, saw resumption of activity. Even 
before that, Methodists had entered the field and built a church. 15 

The people of the more settled Willamette Valley were by no 
means spared the anxieties and grief of war, or the threat thereof. 
Even where safety was almost obvious, there was at times near 
panic. In fact, a hysteria had persisted ever since the Whitman 
massacre in November of 1847, for rumors, which nobody could 



disprove, kept people on edge. The courthouse at Hillsboro was 
converted into a fortress, surrounded by a trench and a high 
barrier. 16 

The nervous tension and state of near-panic has been described 
by another historian: 

In 1855 the great war broke out almost simultaneously at different 
points. There were six widely separated regions especially concerned. 
Four of these, the Cascades, the Yakima Valley, the Walla Walla, and 
the Grand Ronde were on or adjacent to the Columbia River. The 
others were in the Rogue River region and on Puget Sound. So wide 
was the area of this war that intelligent co-operation among the Indians 
proved impracticable. This, in fact, was the thing that saved the whites. 
For there were probably not less than four thousand Indians on the 
war-path, and if they had co-operated, the smaller settlements, possibly 
all in the country except those in the Willamette Valley, might have 
been annihilated. 17 

At best, the Indian wars left people considerably in debt. The 
conflicts also filled the settlers with poisonous animosity against 
Indians generally. Total cost in their lives had been heavy — estimated 
as averaging more than 160 per year between 1850 and 1862, or 
nearly forty per year up to 1878. 18 

It was in hectic days such as these that Josiah L. Parrish began 
the re-establishment of Indian Missions under the auspices of the 
Methodist Episcopal Church in Oregon, and that Robert Booth 
began his ministry in the Oregon Conference. 

Robert Booth, though not specifically an Indian Missionary, had 
ample opportunity to mingle with the natives almost daily in his 
ministerial service. 

Booth and his family consisting of wife and four children crossed 
the plains in 1852 and settled on a homestead in Yamhill County. 
After resisting for some time a very definite call to preach, in 1855 
he joined the Oregon Conference on trial and was appointed to 
North Yamhill and Chehalem. In 1856 his circuit seems to have been 
limited to Yamhill. There is no record of the number of preaching 
stations on his circuit, but six years later, no less than five Classes re- 
ported at the Quarterly Conferences. Because of adventures and hard- 
ships such as have been recounted in the previous chapter, the min- 
istry of Robert Booth was much broken up, alternating between 
"Active," "Supernumerary" and even "Superannuated" relationships. 

One of the unfortunate conditions of those times was that the 
white settlers were compelled to live in the midst of the Indians, — 
people who resented the intrusion of the whites who were taking 



their land and robbing them of their means of subsistence by 
killing off their game. 

It was evident to all thinking people that the intolerable situation 
could not go on indefinitely. The Indians had failed in their at- 
tempt to kill off the white settlers, but, though treaties had been 
signed, much animosity still existed; and where the cause continued 
to exist, outbreaks of violence were inevitable and the animosity 
was not one-sided. Many white people subscribed to the saying 
that "There is no good Indian but a dead Indian" and white killings 
of Indians were almost as numerous and as brutal as Indian killings 
of white people. Social discriminations against Indians, halfbreeds 
and their families were sometimes quite intolerable. 

Congress had, in 1850, passed a Donation Act which gave the 
settlers the privilege of acquiring claims without regard for Indian 
rights. Although the Indian Agent explained to the natives that 
they had forfeited their rights because of war against white people, 
they were not inclined to submit quietly to what they considered 
high-handed dealings. Evidently, if periodic massacres of the whites 
by enraged Indians, or the killing of natives by vengeful whites, were 
not to continue, some way must be found to separate the races. 
The Government sought to find the solution by the adoption of a 
policy of settling the claims of the Indians, and effecting their re- 
moval to reservations where they could live undisturbed by white 

In 1853 Joel Palmer, the Commissioner for Indian Affairs, recom- 
mended to the Government that treaties be negotiated with the 
tribes for the purchase of their lands and for the removal of the 
Indians to reservations. The policy was adopted and about sixty 
treaties were entered into and signed with the Indian tribes. Over 
a period of twenty-one years from 1853 until 1874, negotiations 
continued. The tribes involved were called together, the meaning 
of each treaty was carefully explained to them and the amount 
of goods and money to be paid for their lands was made clear, as 
was the length of time over which the payments were to be made. 
A time was set for their removal to the specified reservations. 

There was much reluctance on the part of some of the Indians 
to accept removal from the territory which they believed the Great 
Spirit had given them, — the land where their fathers were buried. 
Besides, the Government's reservation policy involved breaking 
up, at least somewhat, their tribal organization and involved put- 
ting several tribes together on certain of the reservations. Though 
it is probable that it was the intention to combine tribes that were 



closely related, in actual practice sometimes groups were put to- 
gether that had not been able to associate peaceably in the past. 
Concerning Palmer and the Government, Lyman commented: 

In this work, as it proceeded and in leading the Indians to understand 
the obligations they had assumed, they were greatly assisted by J. L. 
Parrish: without whom progress seemed at one time to be well-nigh 
balked altogether. 19 

We will remember that Parrish was the Methodist Missionary 
to the Indians and that he had had considerable experience in deal- 
ing with them. A writer for the Oregon Historical Quarterly many 
years after the event, said: 

J. L. Parrish, the agent for the Oregon coast district, recommended 
July 20, 1854, that the Indians be treated as wards, placed on reserva- 
tions, protected and taught the customs of civilized life: that they be 
trained to understand the laws of the land; and that they be persuaded 
to give up their tribal relationships and customs, in order that they 
might be capable of exercising the duties of citizenship: 20 

The various tribes were grouped to form twenty-three reservations: 
five in the state of Oregon and eighteen in Washington Territory, and 
instruction was assigned to the various religious denominations 
which had been active in missionary work among the Indians. The 
church groups were asked, also, to send in nominations to the 
Commissioner for Indian Affairs the names of suitable persons to 
serve as Agents on the various reservations. 21 Two of the five reserva- 
tions in Oregon, Klamath and Siletz, were assigned to The Meth- 
odist Church and were, therefore, under the superintendence of the 
Oregon Conference. Somewhat earlier there had been another 
reservation in Oregon: the Grand Ronde. In 1856 J. L. Parrish was 
appointed by the Bishop to Grand Ronde and Tillamook. Also, 
Neah Bay and Quinault reservations in Washington Territory were 
under the supervision of the Oregon Conference, which, it will be 
remembered, included most of Washington Territory. 

In 1859 the Conference laid plans looking to the consolidation 
of all its Indian Missions under the supervision of a man specifically 
appointed to that work. 22 However, no such appointment was made 
until seven years later, when J. H. Wilbur was named to the super- 
intendency of the Yakima Indian Mission District. He was to be a 
"Missionary at Large" and was to visit all the reservations and 
agencies. The Yakima Indian Mission was established in 1866, with 
J. H. Wilbur as the Pastor, or Missionary, but it was not until 1872 



that the literal answer to the resolution of 1859 was given through 
the organization of the "Indian Mission District," with Wilbur as 
Presiding Elder. 23 It should be said here that the appointee was prob- 
ably the most successful missionary to the Indians that Oregon (or 
Washington) ever saw. His right to that distinction has been disputed 
by some who have advanced other names for that honor, but Rev. 
Wilbur was not only loved and trusted by the Indians as probably 
no other Missionary in all the history of Oregon Indian Missions, 
but he was also, for many years, a highly respected and trusted agent 
of the Government. 

The new Government policy with respect to the Indians, by 
which they were placed on reservations, not only removed them from 
constant conflicts with the whites, but gave to the various religious 
denominations opportunities to work with the natives without the 
rivalries which had sometimes been very serious in the past. Our 
Conference greatly appreciated the change, being anxious on only 
one point: Would the characters of the Indian Agent and his helpers 
be such that their policies would not conflict with those of the 

In spite of all the care that had gone into the making of these 
treaties, and the experience which the Government had had in deal- 
ing with other tribes in the central and eastern states, the new policy 
with respect to the Indians of the Pacific Northwest had some serious 
defects, as was learned during the course of subsequent year. One of 
these difficulties showed up at the Conference of 1885 when the 
Agent of the Klamath Indian Reservation demanded the removal 
of T. F. Royal, who had, for the past year, been the Indian Mis- 
sionary for that Reservation and insisted on a replacement named 
N. M. Skipworth. 24 Now, Royal was an experienced and successful 
Indian Missionary, while Skipworth was neither; but the latter was 
known and liked by the new Indian Agent. 

Another difficulty was a vacillation of policy on the part of the 
Government itself in appointing Agents to the various reservations. 
In the resolution by which the Conference expressed its approval 
of the policy of the Government with respect to the care of the 
Indians, it also warned of its determined resistance to the appoint- 
ment of any agent, or the employment of other personnel at the 
Agency, except tried and experienced Christian men. 25 

For a time the Church, through its officials, made known to the 
Comissioner of Indian Affairs its nominations for Indian Agents on 
the various reservations under its ministry. These nominations were 
passed on to the President and he nominated them to the Senate. 



Unfortunately, in 1882, with a change in the Government, there 
came also an altered relationship between the Conference and In- 
dian Agencies. The Department of Interior, under Secretary Carl 
Schurz, in the Administration of President Hayes, sometimes ig- 
nored Church nominations completely, or at other times the nomi- 
nees selected were switched inappropriately to unexpected assign- 
ments. Occasionally Agents were sent of whom church authorities 
had never heard. 26 Furthermore, at times the Agent exercised a type 
of influence that tore down in a short while the structure of morality 
which the church had labored long to build. 

The Conference was reluctant to request the removal of an Agent, 
and would not do so unless such action seemed absolutely necessary. 
It did not object if the Agent was a non-Methodist, though obviously 
a Methodist would have been preferable; but some Agents were, 
for other reasons, utterly unacceptable. In 1890, for example, an 
Agent came to the Klamath reservation who was actually so hostile 
to the work of the Church on the reservation that the Conference 
committee declared its belief that Christian civilization under his 
administration had been set back ten years. The Committee de- 
manded the removal of a man who had encouraged all sorts of cor- 
ruption among the Indians. It reported: 

. . . instead of law, order and decency, all manner of vice and immorality 
abound. Horse racing, profanity, dancing, drunkenness, and Sabbath- 
breaking are all commonly practiced with the consent and co-operation 
of the agent. 

So serious was the state of affairs that the more thoughtful Indians 
were greatly concerned and approached the Missionary, before he 
left for Conference, to urge him to have the Agent removed. They 
said: "He is teaching our children to dance, to swear, to eat tobacco 
and to break the Sabbath. We don't want our boys and girls 
ruined." 21 

So desperate was the difficulty, and so much in despair was the 
Conference over the situation that suggestions were even made 
that the Methodist Church should give up all attempts to carry 
on any Indian mission unless conditions should be rectified. It sent 
a strong protest to the Bureau of Indian Affairs successfully demand- 
ing immediate removal of the offending Agent. Since the next 
Agent, Mr. Edson Watson, was a fine Christian Methodist layman, 
the difficulties complained of quickly disappeared. 

Unfortunately, there were and still are many, both in and out of 
Government service, who have never had an appreciation or under- 



standing of the close relationship between the Christianizing of the 
Indians and their transformation from savagery to wholesome citi- 
zenship. Many have expressed the belief that, after all, the tradi- 
tional religion of the Indians might have been best for them and 
that it was unwise and unfair for the white race to impose upon the 
natives its religion and culture. 


Chapter X 
Oregon Methodism and Private Education 

THE STORY of Methodist educational institutions in Oregon 
is, at first hearing, humiliating. Only one of the schools that 
the Methodists of the Oregon Conference started has survived under 
Methodist management. Yet those lost educational institutions were 
answers to pressing needs. The public spirited and sacrificially minded 
men of vision who started the church schools were willing to bear 
heavy burdens in order that pressing educational needs might be 
met. That the founders were often more zealous than wise is not 
surprising. Nevertheless, all of the schools served their worthy pur- 
pose before they became unnecessary because of the development of 
public schools or because church sponsored institutions were taken 
over by the state. 

With the coming of Jason Lee and Cyrus Shepard, a new era 
for elementary education began in Oregon. Shepard was a trained 
teacher with experience in New England before coming west. The 
Methodist Mission School was soon filled to capacity. If it had not 
been for the disastrous epidemic which took the lives of some of 
the pupils and threatened others, it is probable that the project 
would have succeeded beyond all expectations — indeed, beyond the 
ability of the school to accommodate them. The set-back, which for 
a time threatened to destroy the work entirely, was only temporary, 
and it was soon necessary to add more room. For two years the school 
was held in the first Mission building. One room of this two-room 
structure was used for religious services and school activities inter- 
changeably; the other was living quarters for the missionaries. But 
in 1837 a room was added for school purposes only. 

Almost from the first it was evident that the educational program 
for Indians must be somewhat different from that for youth of 
the white race. Adult Indians did not adapt readily to agriculture. 
If the arts of civilized life were to be taught the natives, the mis- 
sionaries soon sensed that they must begin with the children. 
Whereas white children in New England came from an environment 
of industry, thrift, and culture, Indian youth were reared in bar- 
barism, knowing nothing of cultivation of the soil, of raising flocks 
and herds, or of production of articles of commerce and trade. If 
they were ever to adapt themselves to civilized ways, they must be 



taught the very rudiments of culture. Therefore, the educational 
program must feature manual training even more than literary 
subjects, though the latter would be taught too, to a certain extent. 
And, since practically all their food was raised on the Mission farm, 
training in agriculture and husbandry was a natural assignment for 
Indian youth. Therefore, the boys were employed about half of the 
time at the work of farming and half at studies. Girls were also re- 
quired to spend part of their days at housekeeping duties. 
Bancroft, consistently and meanly critical, sneered that 

The wards of the Mission were likely to become servants, while so much 
labor was required to make their teachers comfortable; and as the 
savage is by nature averse to labor, the demands made upon the chil- 
dren at the Mission were sure to operate against the success of the 
school. 1 

William A. Slacum, who wrote about this training from personal 
observation, had an entirely different impression. He reported: 

I shall not hestitate to express my humble opinion that you have here 
already effected a great public good by practically showing that the 
Indians west of the Rocky Mountains are capable of the union of 
mental and physical discipline as taught at your establishment. For I 
have seen with my own eyes, children who two years ago were roaming 
in their own native wilds in a state of savage barbarism, now being 
brought within the knowledge of moral and religious instruction, be- 
coming useful members of society by being taught the most useful of 
all arts, agriculture, and all this without the slightest compulsion. 2 

What we might call an experimental program of manual labor 
education continued at the original site for about seven years, but 
it was evident to Jason Lee, and to others, that the location was 
not healthful. Before he returned to the Eastern States in 1839, he 
determined to find a more salubrious location for the school. He 
presented the plan to the Board of Missions, and when he returned 
to Oregon in 1840 he brought on the ship Lausanne, doors and 
sashes for a new building. Upon making investigation, he settled 
upon Chemeketa as the proper site and proceeded to secure land 
sufficient for the Mission farm and to make plans for the erection 
of a building adequate to house the school and other activities 
incident to it. This move was very fortunate, since the Mission claim 
covered a considerable part of the present city of Salem and the 
site selected for the school building was a spot on the present campus 
of Willamette University. The State Capitol is now built on what 
was a part of the original Mission claim designated for the school. 



It was here that Lee decided to erect the building which was to be 
known as "The Indian Mission Manual Labor School." He spent 
about $10,000 of mission funds for the purpose with the approval of 
the Board of Missions. 

The program of education planned for the new location was not 
materially different from that which had been administered at the 
original mission, but it is probable that the expectation was to draw 
Indian youth from a somewhat wider territory and perhaps to ex- 
pand the curriculum as necessity and experience demanded. It was 
not possible to move into the new building until the spring of 
1842. Gustavus Hines was the first Superintendent, or Principal. 

Meanwhile, it had become more and more evident that something 
must be done for the education of white youth in Oregon. It was 
clear, too, that the program of education for settlers' children must 
be somewhat different from that for natives. Whether Jason Lee 
and his helpers had discussed this matter before he left Oregon in 
1838 is not certain; but it would seem that David Leslie, while he 
was the acting Superintendent of the Oregon Mission during the 
absence of Jason Lee in 1838-40, began thinking very seriously on 
this subject. And well he might. He had five daughters, several of 
them of school age, for whom there was no proper provision for 
education. He wrote to the Christian Advocate in June, 1839, pro- 
posing that the Methodist Church should sponsor an educational 
institution for white children in Oregon. This letter was published 
in 1840. He intimated that he had been talking to others about it 
and had not only won general approval, but had actually collected a 
few hundred dollars. 3 

There is a story to the effect that the birth of the idea of an in- 
stitution of higher education in Oregon occurred on board the 
Lausanne. The story goes that Jason Lee addressed the audience of 
missionaries, proposing that they take a collection for the establish- 
ment of an institution of learning in Oregon. According to this ver- 
sion, Lee's remarks gave birth to Oregon Institute, which developed 
into Willamette University. But Gustavus Hines, who was one 
of those present on that occasion, distinctly states that the collection 
was "to be appropriated to the moral elevation of the Indians west 
of the Rocky Mountains." 4 

The story that missionaries were moved to take an offering for 
the establishment of an institution of learning for their own chil- 
dren is plausible, for there were in the company about twenty of 
their own offspring, besides the children of a few settlers who were 
already in Oregon and seriously in need of an educational program. 



The prospect of having children grow in ignorance while surrounded 
by paganism, was not pleasing, and a lack of parental concern would 
have been surprising. However, the twenty children were not des- 
tined to be stationed all in one place. Very soon some of them were 
to be sent far away from the central mission station on the Wil- 

In connection with the collection for school promotion, however, 
we must not discount the plain statement of a man who was on 
the spot and writing only a few years after the event, that funds 
raised were for the benefit of the Indians. Yet Hines, who was later 
a prime mover in the organization of the Oregon Institute, was 
skeptical about education of the natives. In his letter to the Board 
of Missions, published in the annual report of that body May 18, 
1846, he wrote: 

The school (Indian Mission Manual Labor School) has always been 
fostered by Mr. Lee as the darling object of the mission; but it was im- 
possible for many of us to discover that importance in the school which 
Mr. Lee attached to it. 5 

It would seem conclusive that, if the collection taken on shipboard 
were to be used for an educational institution, it would have been 
applied to the Indian Mission Manual Labor School rather than 
to organization of the Oregon Institute. 

On January 17, 1842, Jason Lee called a meeting at his own home 
in Chemeketa to consider the founding of an educational institution 
for white youth. It is probable that only a small number of people 
were called into consultation for this first meeting. Since there was 
general agreement on the need for such an institution, plans were 
made for a later meeting, after general notice had been given. A 
committee was appointed to give publicity to the proposed meeting 
and to prepare a plan of procedure. Dr. Ira L. Babcock, David Leslie, 
and Gustavus Hines were on the committee. 

The second meeting was held on Feb. 1, 1842 at the "old mission" 
— the house which Jason Lee and his helpers had erected in 1834. 
Rev. Hines, in reporting this meeting, said: 

In addition to the members of the mission, the meeting was well at- 
tended by the friends of education in the country generally, among 
whom was the Rev. Harvey Clark, of precious memory, who, by his 
judicious counsel contributed much to the promotion of the objects 
of the meeting. After a careful survey of the whole ground, and a 
thorough investigation of all the difficulties in the way of accomplish- 
ing the object, it was unanimously resolved not simply to make the at- 



tempt, but positively to procede to establish a collegiate institution for 
the benefit of the rising generation of Oregon. 6 


Upon motion of Gustavus Hines, the proposed institution was 
named The Oregon Institute. The Board of Trustees consisted of 
Jason Lee, David Leslie, Gustavus Hines, Josiah L. Parrish, L. H. 
Judson, George Abernethy, Alanson Beers, Hamilton Campbell 
and Dr. Ira L. Babcock. A committee consisting of Jason Lee, 
Gustavus Hines, David Leslie, Harvey Clark and Dr. Ira L. Bab- 
cock was named to find a location. They selected a site on what 
was called "Wallace Prairie," about two miles north of Chemeketa, 
not far from the present Keizer school house, and there the Meth- 
odists erected a building at a cost of approximately $3,000. 

When George Gary decided upon the disposal of the Indian Mis- 
sion Manual Labor School the property was offered to the Trustees 
of the Oregon Institute for $4,000. Thus they were able to acquire 
for only $4,000, a building which had been used about five years 
and which cost approximately $10,000. Then the Trustees sold the 
school building which they had already constructed for nearly 
enough to pay for the property of the Indian Mission Manual Labor 
School, for which there seemed to be no future. As Gustavus Hines 

. . . after the arrival of Mr. Gary, tracing the history of the school, and 
pausing at every point to weigh its merits, comparing the present with 
the past, and contemplating all its possible changes for the better, and 
beholding nothing but darkness in the prospect before it, though to 
many of us the disbanding of it was an affliction, yet we were con- 
strained to believe that neither policy, reason nor religion, required 
its further continuance. It was consequently abandoned and the 
premises sold to the Trustees of the Oregon Institute. 7 

The constitution which was adopted when the Oregon Institute 
was organized provided that it should be under the supervision of 
some branch of the Christian Church; and further stipulated that 
whatever organization should first come forward and enter into 
a pledge to patronize and sustain the institution should be the 
one selected. Only the Methodist Episcopal Church could qualify 
as a sponsor, and, though there was no conference of that denomina- 
tion on the Pacific Coast, it was expected that the Methodists would 
assume responsibility. Therefore, at a meeting called at the home 
of Gustavus Hines, a resolution was passed requesting Jason Lee 



to call a meeting of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Oregon, 
both ministers and laymen, to take into consideration the importance 
of receiving the Oregon Institute under its care and pledging 
itself to patronize and support the Institute. Accordingly on Oc- 
tober 26, 1842, the Church, and friends of the enterprise, were 
called to meet at the Hines residence and there a motion was made 
by Dr. Elijah White and seconded by Alvin F. Waller that: 

As a branch of The Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States, 
we take under our care, and pledge ourselves to make every reasonable 
effort to sustain, the Oregon Institute. 8 

The first session of the Oregon and California Conference in 1849 
reaffirmed that action, thereby assuming the responsibility implied 
in the resolution of a more or less unofficial body. 


The first and greatest of all the educational institutions sponsored 
by the Oregon Conference of the Methodist Church was the di- 
rect outgrowth and successor of the Oregon Institute. Its history, 
from the beginnings in the mission of Jason Lee up to the year 
1943, has been excellently written by Dr. Robert Moulton Gatke 
in his Chronicles of Willamette, a complete, authoritative and fully 
documented work. It would be impossible here to attempt even a 
proper summary of the history of the only surviving institution 
among many which have been sponsored by the Oregon Confer- 
ence. Its struggle against adverse circumstances, its very survival in 
the face of determined efforts to dispose of it, to move it to an- 
other location, and its growth into the great University which it 
is at the present day — all are part of the romantic story which well 
merits the large volume which Dr. Gatke has written. 

Suffice it to say here that Willamette has grown from a school 
with one teacher and five pupils to a University with sixteen build- 
ings, ninety-six active faculty members, approximately 1,250 stu- 
dents, a property valuation and endowment of several millions of 
dollars and an operating expense of well over one million dollars 

On January 12, 1853 "Wallamet" University was granted a charter. 
The following Board of Trustees was named: 

(throughout this chapter asterisks (*) mark the names of Methodist 



M. B. Rankin 


T. S. McDaniel 


B. L. Steeves 


Amadee M. Smith 


Paul B. Wallace 


*J. C. Harrison 


C. E. McCulloch 


♦David Leslie, *William Roberts, *Francis S. Hoyt, *James H. Wilbur, 
Alanson Beers, *Thomas H. Pearne, George Abernethy, W. H. 
Willson, *Calvin S. Kingsley, *John Flinn, C. H. Barnum, L. F. 
Grover, B. F. Harding, Samuel Birch, Francis Fletcher, Jeremiah 
Ralston, John D. Boon, Joseph Holman, Webley Hauxhurst, Jacob 
Conser, *Alvin F. Waller, John Stewart, James R. Robb, Cyrus Olney, 
Asahel Bush, Samuel Parker. 

The Presidents of the Board of Trustees have been: 

1842-1843 *Jason Lee 

1843-1869 *David Leslie 

1869-1895 *Josiah L. Parrish 

1895-1904 William Odell 

1904-1906 Amadee M. Smith 

1906-1907 Philip Buchner 

Principals of the Oregon Institute have been: 

1842- *Gustavus Hines 

1844-1847 Chloe Clarke Wilson 

1847-1848 *Joseph S. Smith 

1848-1849 *James H. Wilbur 

1850- *Nehemiah Doane 

1850-1853 *Francis S. Hoyt 

Hoyt (1853-1860) was the first of a series of sixteen presidents of the 
University listed in the college catalog. 

In 1842 and for some time afterward, there was no such thing 
as public education in Oregon. Indeed, a large proportion of the 
settlers in those formative years came from states where public 
education had not as yet developed. 9 

The public school idea was strong with the founders of organized 
government in Oregon, however, and it is said that "the beginning 
of an organized public school policy dates back to the founding 
of the Provisional Government on July 5, 1843, which formulated 
the organic law for the country." 10 It was not until September, 
1849, however, that the Territorial legislature passed the first general 
law providing for a system of common schools. This statute was 
elaborated by the acts of January 31, 1853 and January 12, 1854, 
providing that the counties of the state were to be districted by 
the school superintendents and a tax of two mills levied by the 
commissioners of each county for the support of the schools. 11 

But these laws were not self-operating, nor were they to deter- 
mine the exclusive educational policy of Oregon. There were, for 



many years, the two conflicting ideas: public school vs. private 
school. We might say that the idea of the public school system as 
the general educational policy of Oregon was an evolution which 
took considerable time. There were, at various places, a great num- 
ber and variety of private schools ranging all the way from the 
kindergarten to the more advanced grades, usually kept by some 
good woman in her own home. 

In spite of the fact that a public school system was provided for 
in the enactments of the legislature, opposition continued in some 
quarters for a considerable time — not from ignorant and backward 
people who had no appreciation of education, but rather from those 
who doubted that a public school system could provide education 
of quality equal to that of private schools. Consequently, the first 
schools were private institutions and continued to be of that nature 
until an adequate tax base had developed. 12 

For people who were conscious of the value of an education, it 
was a grievous deprivation that there were no schools for their chil- 
dren. For instance, Alvin Waller's five children, during three 
years spent at The Dalles, had lacked schooling. Because Rev. and 
Mrs. Waller were eager to find living quarters for their children 
close to a school, "where they may be educated for God and the 
church," he took up a homestead. This created a problem for the 
Superintendent of the Mission, for it practically prevented the ap- 
pointment of Rev. Waller to any very distant charge. Many others 
had the same problem. 13 

Under circumstances then existing, it is not strange that many 
good people who were interested in the welfare of the rising gen- 
eration were prompted either to start private schools or to give 
generously for provision of educational facilities. Methodist min- 
isters very easily became involved in moves to develop facilities 
and instruction. Rev. Joseph S. Smith, for instance, married Miss 
Julia Carter, who had opened the second school in Portland in 
1848. Later he taught at the Oregon Institute and was active in edu- 
cational work at other places. The settlers who provided educational 
facilities at the Ebenezer school house in Benton County in 1850 
were mostly Methodists. It was here that the group that has been 
called the "Starr-Belknap-Hawley clan" had settled about 1848. 
The log school house which was built in 1850 served also a Meth- 
odist "class." 14 

The Methodist Church was not opposed to a public school system. 
It did not intend to establish any parochial schools, but it was 
interested in providing educational units, especially academies, 



where none existed. When the public school system did function 
adequately, the church schools faded away. The Committee on 
Education, in its report to the Conference of 1856 said: 

. . . the common school system . . . will secure proper attention to all 
the branches of a thorough education. The higher seminaries must look 
to this as their chief support . . . There should be, therefore, no conflict 
between the Academy and the Common Schools; each has its true 
and separate field of usefulness, each indispensable to the highest suc- 
cess of the other. It is recommended therefore, that we make strenuous 
efforts whenever these can be made with success, to establish and 
sustain such schools. 15 

It was inevitable that a certain amount of rivalry should develop 
between various religious groups in their endeavors to reach and 
educate the youth of their constituents. William Roberts advised 
establishment of a school in Oregon City dependent on private 

. . . else the public and some of our people too will take up with the 
pressing and attractive invitations of the papists . . . wily Jesuits and 
Ladies Superior and Sisters of Charity. 

However, he expected this private school to be under the control of 
the Methodist Church lest 

. . . Our refusal to connect this interest with our other operations will 
have a tendency to throw the literary training of this rapidly increasing 
population into the hands of the Roman Catholics and thereby give 
them an influence over the public mind which will prove greatly in- 
jurious to our future success. 16 

Whether or not the Methodists were jealous of the success of 
other Protestant Churches or their schools, some of the other de- 
nominationally-minded people were jealous of the Methodists. Rev. 
Ezra Fisher, writing to the Corresponding Secretary of the American 
Baptist Home Missionary Society on March 6, 1855 said: 

The Methodists who have already three high schools in the valley 
and one in the Umpqua, will step into Corvallis, the only important 
point now to be occupied and raise up an important school and leave 
us with the alternative of building up a high school at some important 
post some six or eight years hence, or of raising a rival school at their 
door. 17 

The Methodist Church did, indeed, at this time have the three 
high schools of which Rev. Fisher wrote. They were the Portland 



Academy, the Santiam Academy and the Umpqua Academy. Also, 
there was Wallamet, which at this time and for many years after- 
ward offered lower level training, even in the primary grades. 

In 1850 a committee of the Conference was appointed to select 
a site on the Mary's River Circuit for an Academy. At the Confer- 
ence of 1851 the committee was continued after reporting that it had 
obtained grants of land favorably situated at Mary's River. Joseph 
Smith, the preacher in charge of the Mary's River Circuit was added 
to the committee. Nothing more is recorded of this school until 
1854, when the Committee on Education nominated and the Con- 
ference elected, J. Q. Thornton and H. Campbell as Trustees for 
Corvallis Seminary and A. F. Waller, T. H. Pearne and Laban Case 
as visitors to the school. 

On January 28, 1854 the Corvallis Seminary was chartered by 
the Oregon territorial legislature with the following Trustees: 

John Stewart, Silas M. South, Wm. F. Dixon, # John York, Robert W. 
Biddle, Wesley Graves, Perry G. Earle, *Alvin F. Waller, Hiram Bond, 
B. F. Chapman, James Gingle. 18 

Unfortunately, this Corvallis Seminary of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church seems not to have gotten under way at all and no report 
of its activities was ever given to the Conference. 

The Methodist Church was criticized for its zeal in establishing 
schools on the ground that they were sectarian in spirit and practice. 
The Committee on Education took note of the objection in its 
report of 1856: 

We disclaim all such efforts and designs and repel all such charges as 
unfounded and libellous. It is believed that the Principals and Teachers 
have scrupulously guarded this point, and that while they have recom- 
mended religion, . . . they have exhibited a catholic spirit and have 
so conducted the schools under their charge, as to commend them to 
the confidence and patronage of all classes and sects. 19 

In view of the fact that their boards of trustees were usually made 
up of about one-third Methodist ministers and two-thirds laymen, 
the charge of sectarianism is understandable. The men selected to 
head the schools were usually Methodist ministers. Also, the Bible 
was read and devotions were conducted regularly in the school. It 
should be said too, that teaching was strictly Protestant. That the 
zeal of earnest teachers and principals was too great to suit the 
preferences of some of their critics is not surprising. Despite all care, 
it was probably impossible to avoid a sectarian tinge. 



This evangelistic zeal on the part of the Committee of Education 
itself, is evident in its utterance some years later: 

. . . the education we seek to inculcate is a Christian education which 
has for its object the subjection of our entire nature to the dictates 
and control of religion. The conversion of the student is, therefore, an 
object most earnestly to be sought by those in whose hands his educa- 
tion is entrusted. . . . 20 


At the second session of the Oregon and California Mission Con- 
ference in 1850, the Committee on Education brought in a resolu- 
tion recommending the establishment of an Academy in Portland. 
This report was adopted. A committee consisting of *A. F. Waller, 
*William Helm, John Stewart, J. W. Starr and S. F. Starr was ap- 
pointed to carry out the will of the Conference. 21 

The next year the Committee reported that a building was nearly 
completed, "and above embarrassment." It recommended that two 
efficient teachers be appointed to the Academy, that a committee of 
clerical visitors be appointed to visit the school, and that trustees be 
elected by the Conference. Also, they recommended that a com- 
mittee be appointed to ask the next legislature for incorporation of 
the institution. This was done, but the school was left "to be 
supplied" in the list of appointments of that year. 22 

At the Conference of 1852, however, the motion to secure a 
charter for the Portland Academy had to be renewed. In fact, the 
motion was made to secure charters for both Portland Academy and 
Willamette University. J. H. Wilbur was selected to carry out this 
wish; and P. G. Buchanan was appointed Principal of Portland 
Academy. 23 

In 1854 the name of the school was changed to "Portland Academy 
and Female Seminary." C. S. Kingsley, who was appointed prin- 
cipal in the interim between the Conferences of 1853 and 1854, con- 
tinued in charge of the school for six years, but was succeeded in 
1859 by Charles H. Hall. In 1857 the school had 127 pupils. In 
1859 the primary department was discontinued and the school con- 
centrated on more advanced work. The public schools were be- 
ginning to care for the younger children. 24 

By 1873 the school, under the direction of T. F. Royal, reported 
six teachers in addition to the principal, 145 pupils and property 
valued at $20,000 "situated up on a beautiful and healthful eminence 
in the heart of the city." (The west half of lots 7 and 8, block 205.) 



A plan was proposed to unify all of the schools which were under 
the control of the Church. 25 In the report of the Committee on 
Education in 1874, it was proposed that all academies, including 
Portland Academy, be established as adjuncts of Willamette Uni- 
versity and that the principals of the Academies be made ex-officio 
members of the faculty of the University and so appear in the 
catalogue. Furthermore, each academy should be entitled to draw 
from the proceeds of the endowment of the University in propor- 
tion to the number of its enrollment. 26 

With such a promising prospect opening up before it, Portland 
Academy seemed to be in a very favorable condition indeed and it 
is not surprising that the next Conference (1875) received a re- 
port affirming that ". . . Its destined place we believe to be as the 
main preparatory school of our University ..." and recommending 
a building program to cost at least ten thousand dollars. The Com- 
mittee felt that ". . . this Academy, next only to the University, 
should be a right arm of power to the Church. . . ." 27 

The expansion program and the financial solicitation necessary 
to put it into effect did not materialize, however, because of com- 
petition of the public schools. The Committee on Education re- 


Has the most thorough competition to encounter of any of our schools. 
It is located in the midst of excellent free schools which afford every 
desirable facility for education and the school in the last as in other 
years — has been lightly patronized, nor can it be largely patronized 
while it has to encounter such opposition. 28 

The trend to the public school continued. The next year the 
Committee on Education had to report regretfully of Portland 

During most of the past year a private school of low grade has been 
kept in the Old Academy building. There has been no Church su- 
pervision or authority exercised in connection with it, nor any financial 
responsibility except what has been met by the teacher in charge of the 
school. . . . The value of the building, lot, etc., is variously estimated 
from $7,000 to $10,000. The Trustees contemplate the judicious sale 
of this property and by requiring the friends in and about Salem to 
duplicate the amount, add that much to the Endowment Fund of 
Willamette University. 29 

Two years later the Trustees of Portland Academy offered to sell 
the school property and use the proceeds to create an endowment 



fund for Willamette University. The secretary of the Trustees of the 
Portland institution informed the Conference of its offer to turn 
over the property, or proceeds of sale, to Willamette University if 
the latter would present satisfactory evidence that $12,500 had been 
raised to match the debt-free transfer for an Endowment Fund. 30 

Raising funds to match a gift was not an easy matter in those 
times; and in 1880 the University had not been able to meet the 
proposed conditions. The Trustees of Portland Academy, therefore, 
extended the offer for another year; but when, at the Conference 
of 1881, it was learned that the University had not yet qualified 
for the gift of property, the Trustees of Portland Academy reported 
that they would extend the offer for one more year, but no longer. 31 
At the Conference of 1882 the Trustees of Portland Academy were 
able to report that the University had met the conditions of the 
gift and that the property had been transferred to the Faculty of 
the Medical Department of Willamette University. Thus ended the 
first Academy of the Methodist Church in Oregon. 

Named by the Conference, the principals of the school, from 1882 
to the end of its existence, included Elders P. G. Buchanan, 1 C. S. 
Kingsley, Charles H. Hall, W. H. Rogers, T. F. Royal and a number 
of laymen. 32 


In the year 1848 the first settlers, in the persons of Morgan Kees 
and his brother Jacob, Jeremiah Ralston and their families, came 
to the present town of Lebanon, in Linn County. Soon a little log 
cabin was built. Here, in 1849, John McKinney, a young man who 
had that year been admitted on trial in the Oregon and California 
Mission Conference, held the first Methodist service. Other denomi- 
nations also used this cabin for visiting ministers. In addition to 
being a house for worship, the house was a schoolroom — the be- 
ginning of Santiam Academy. Here Hugh George, in the winter 
of 1851-52, taught the first school in Lebanon. 33 

In 1850 J. H. Wilbur was appointed to the "Portland and Co- 
lumbia River" circuit. It would seem that his itinerating was not 
confined even to this expansive circuit, however, for Mrs. Pratt says: 

In 1850 J. H. Wilbur came to Lebanon and organized the first Meth- 
odist Church and literally hewed out with his powerful hands a log 
building for their church and their school. It stood on the northeast 
corner of the present high school campus. William Marks taught the 
first school in this building. The next teacher was Mrs. L. T. Wood- 



ward, whose husband was a Methodist Circuit Rider who held services 
in scattered settlements of Southern Oregon. 34 

Luther T. Woodward, who began his ministry in the North 
Indiana Conference in 1850, transferred to the Oregon and Cali- 
fornia Mission Conference in 1851 and was, along with John Mc- 
Kinney, appointed to the Calapooia Circuit. Here he continued two 
years, his wife teaching school in what was to become Santiam 
Academy. He himself was principal for a total of seven years. 

The little log house which had been constructed in 1849 was 
soon outgrown, and it was felt that provision must be made for 
more advanced grades. Rev. Woodward began taking subscriptions 
for a school to be known as Santiam Academy — gifts of wheat, 
lumber, labor and money. Jeremiah Ralston and Morgan Kees each 
gave five acres of land which was to become the campus of the 
school. 35 

At the Conference of 1852, Rev. L. T. Woodward presented a 
petition from the Calapooia Circuit asking the Methodist Con- 
ference to receive Santiam Academy under its supervision. The 
petition was referred to the Committee on Education, apparently 
receiving favorable but unrecorded action. For the next year (1853) 
the Conference appointed the Preacher on the Calapooia Circuit 
and the Presiding Elder of the District as a committee to secure a 
charter for the Santiam Academy. Apparently they were successful, 
for in 1854 the Committee reported completion of its mission. Con- 
ference Visitors to the school were named and L. T. Woodward 
was appointed Principal. A charter was granted (1854) by the 
Oregon Territorial Legislature. The first Board of Trustees was: 
*John McKinney, Aaron J. Hyde, *Thomas H. Pearne, William C. 
Gallagher, Andrew Kees, Jeremiah Ralston, * Luther T. Woodward, 
Delazon Smith, Luther Elkins, John Settle, David W. Ballard, and 
Reuben S. Coyle. 36 

Three years after this (1857) the Committee on Education re- 

a new and commodious school edifice has been erected . . . which 
for convenience in arrangement of rooms, adapted to the purposes for 
which they were required, will compare favorably with any building 
of the kind, here or elsewhere. 

But two or three thousand dollars more were needed to finish the 
building and a bell to cost about $150 or $200 was required. The 
bell, which was then secured, hung in the old high school building, 



where it tolled when the news came of the assassination of President 
Lincoln. The building which J. H. Wilbur had erected in 1850 was 
moved when the new structure was built and added to the new 
building as a residence for the professors of the school. 37 Mrs. Pratt 

The Methodists used the building for their church service until their 
first church building was constructed in 1888. The principal of the 
school was usually the local Methodist minister. 38 

By 1873 the school had grown to 150 students, had a library of 
400 volumes and an endowment of $6,000. According to Mrs. Pratt, 
the school was held in fee simple by the Trustees of the Academy 
but the Conference recommended at least a part of the Trustees, 
appointed Conference Visitors and ratified the selection of teachers. 

It is questionable to what extent Santiam Academy was affected 
by the action of the Conference of 1 874, whereby all the Academies 
of the Methodist Church were to be regarded as adjuncts of Wil- 
lamette University. Each curriculum was to be unified with that of 
the dominant institution, the principal was made an ex-officio mem- 
ber of the University faculty and each school was to share in the 
endowment of the University according to its enrollment. 39 The 
Committee on Education in 1875 reported its conclusion, and that 
of a special committee, ". . . that the title is vested in the M. E. 
Church." 40 

The difficulty seems to have been that Santiam Academy was 
not founded or incorporated as a Methodist institution, in spite 
of the fact that Luther T. Woodward, who raised the funds to build 
it, and four of the thirteen men named in the original corporation, 
were Methodist ministers and members of the Oregon Annual 
Conference. Neither Jeremiah Ralston nor Morgan Kees, who do- 
nated the ground upon which the school was built, nor Owen Kees, 
who gave $1,800 for an endowment fund, were Methodists; and 
though L. T. Woodward brought a request that the Conference 
take the Academy under its sponsorship (1852), the reason was 
simply that the Methodist Conference was better able than was the 
local Board of Trustees to supply qualified teachers and principals. 
There was never any intention of giving the Conference legal 
ownership of the Academy. However, the Act of the Legislature by 
which the school was incorporated specified that the Annual Con- 
ference should elect trustees and send official visitors annually to 
inspect the school and sit with the Board of Trustees. This ir- 
regularity with regard to the title to the property caused no little 



difficulty at various times during the life of the school and at least 
once after it was leased to the Lebanon school district. 

Fire destroyed the records of the school in 1875; and not only 
was the Conference somewhat embarrassed in the matter of filling 
vacancies on the Board of Trustees, etc., but historians are con- 
fronted with difficulty in giving an accurate record of numerous 
things that we should like to know. 41 Fortunately, the annual Con- 
ference Journals contain much of the important data as to those who 
headed the school, its enrollment, financial condition, etc. The rest 
has been gleaned by interviews with elderly pioneers and those who 
have a long-time knowledge of the school and the vicinity. In 1877 
the Committee on Education reported to the Annual Conference: 

During the past year this institution has passed under local supervi- 
sion and should be no longer considered a Methodist school. 42 

At the Conference of 1879 the same Committee recommended that 

The Presiding Elder of the District be instructed to ascertain the 
exact condition of the property and the legal rights and obligations 
of this Conference in relation thereto and report the same in writing to 
the Committee on Education on the first day of our next annual ses- 
sion. 43 

At the end of the Conference year, the status of the property was 
still a moot question. The Committee on Education reported: 

The real status of the school is this: The property is held by the school 
in fee simple, but the charter provides that the trustees shall be con- 
stituted by the Oregon Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church. 
The school belongs really and truly to our Church. 44 

Each year thereafter, the Conference elected Trustees and Visitors 
and the Committee on Education reported the school in flowering 
condition. However, the 1892 report revealed that "During the past 
year this school has passed through a crisis. . . ." 45 With another 
swing of the pendulum, the report for 1893 was very en- 
couraging. 46 The report of 1895 was also very hopeful. 47 

With the coming of public schools, the independent and church- 
related institutions had increasing difficulties, however, and less 
reason for being. In spite of the trend, Santiam Academy seemed 
to be in rather prosperous condition until about the turn of the 
century. Finally there was increasing indication that this school, too, 
needed outside assistance. It appealed for help; but, unfortunately 



the Conference, having just at that time entered upon its very 
ambitious Portland University project, had to reply: 

We regret that we find it impossible to pledge any financial support 
to Santiam Academy. We urgently request those in charge of that in- 
stitution to use their influence in sending graduates from the Academy 
to Willamette and thus put itself in closer relation with the one 
school which now, as never before, seeks for larger consideration from 
all the people. 48 

This must have been a very disappointing response from the 
Conference in view of the fact that Portland University was en- 
couraging that body to help a number of the Academies and thus 
to guarantee a string of feeder institutions which would send gradu- 
ates to Portland University. The uncertainty concerning the legal 
status of the property was featured in the next year's report of the 
Committee on Education. 49 An investigating committee failed to 
arrive at any satisfactory solution. In 1904 the Conference took a 
further step in appointing a special committee consisting of Rev. 
A. Thompson, A. M. Smith and R. A. Booth to consult with the 
Trustees of Santiam Academy as to the advisability of closing the 
institution, selling the property and adding the proceeds to the 
Endowment Fund of Willamette University. 50 However, when the 
Committee conferred with the Trustees of Santiam Academy, it met 
with a rebuff to its proposition. It reported: 

This time-honored school, located at Lebanon, belongs by charter 
and control to the Methodist Episcopal Church and is under the su- 
pervision of the Oregon Conference. 

The Conference, after appointing Trustees and other special com- 
mittee to inquire into the affairs and prospects of the Academy with 
instructions to report to the next session of the Conference, em- 
powered the new committee to grant financial aid to the school, 
if they deemed it wise, to the extent of $300. 51 Whether the com- 
mittee did grant this financial aid or not seems not to be a matter 
of record; but it made a careful survey of the situation and presented 
a report to the 1906 Conference recommending the leasing of the 
property to the public school district. 52 

The recommended resolution was adopted by the Conference; and 
a contract of lease, not for "thirty-three years or more," but for 
ninety-nine years, was entered into between the Trustees of Santiam 
Academy and School District No. 16 of Linn County, Oregon. The 
School District was to spend at least $9,900 during the period of the 



lease on the maintenance of the property. They could spend this 
amount all in one year if they wished — and that is about what they 
did. They built a fine new high school building and improved the 
grounds. The endowment fund was still to be maintained for the 
benefit of the school and administered by the Board of Trustees 
of Santiam Academy — which Board was continued. In fact, the 
deed of gift by which this endowment was given to Santiam Acad- 
emy specified that if it ever ceased to be so used it should revert 
to the heirs of Owen Kees. 

Until the year of 1875 the school was headed mostly by members 
of the Oregon Annual Conference, as the following list will reveal: 

1854-1857 *Luther T. Woodward 

1858 * Charles H. Hall 

1859 *D. E. Blain 

1860-1862 the school was headed by a layman. 
1863-1865 *Luther T. Woodward 

1866-1867 the school was again headed by a layman. 
1868-1869 *W. D. Nichols 

1870 *J. B. Calloway 

1871 the school was headed by a layman. 
1872-1874 *L. M. Nickerson ™ 

From 1875 on the school is not listed in the appointments of the 
Conference, being headed by laymen. A list of these, compiled by 
Mrs. Ada D. S. Pratt, is as follows: 

1875-1876 Lucian Gilbert and daughter Hela Gilbert 

1877-1887 David Torbet 

1887-1891 Prof. Wright 

1892 S. A. Randle 

1892-1903 George Randle 

1904-1906 Edward E. Coad 

The author of this sketch served as Pastor of the Lebanon Meth- 
odist Church for two years (1918-1920) . During that time he con- 
versed with members of the Jeremiah Ralston family and with other 
old-timers concerning Santiam Academy. Since that time he has 
talked with numerous graduates of the school. Some of them have 
said "It's too bad the Methodist Church gave up Santiam Academy." 
But, having considered the facts herein presented and the inevitable 
trends in public education, it is difficult to see how any other 
course was practicable for the Oregon Conference. 



(Sometimes called "Wilbur Academy") 

When the organizing session of the Oregon Annual Conference 
of 1853 appointed Rev. James H. Wilbur to the "Umpqua Mission" 
as "Superintendent of the Work in Southern Oregon," there was no 
other Methodist work in Southern Oregon except the recently 
(1853) organized effort at "Rogue River" served by Rev. Joseph 
S. Smith. Rev. Wilbur proceeded to establish headquarters for his 
Umpqua Mission by taking up a land claim and building a resi- 
dence. During the Conference year, 1853-1854, he also built a rough 
log schoolhouse just east of his home, which was to become Umpqua 
Academy. Both buildings were on his land claim. Yet, during that 
year Wilbur did not neglect the "Work in Southern Oregon." In- 
deed, so successful was he that at the next Conference, five pastoral 
appointments were required besides that of James H. B. Royal as 
Principal of Umpqua Academv. 

The first Board of Trustees was selected by the Conference of. 1S55: 
•J. H. Wilbur, R. Hill, J. B. Grubbe, *J. O. Ravner. Dr. C. C. Reed, 
♦William Royal, Willis Jenkins. *T. F. Royal, A. Flint. When the 
Academv was incorporated by the Legislative Assembly of the Terri- 
torv of Oregon, January 15, 1857, however, the following Trustees were 
named: * James H. Wilbur, *James O. Ravner, Hon. M. P. Deadv, 
Addison R. Flint, Benjamin F. Grubbe, Wni. Jenkins, Flemming R. 
Hill, John Kuykendall and *William Royal, their associates and suc- 
cessors. 54 

At about the same time the school left the little log cabin in which 
it had begun and moved to a new and more imposing building, 
well proportioned and well-built, about two stories in height. It 
was about 200 feet above the level of the surrounding valley, com- 
manded an excellent view and could be seen in some directions for 
ten miles. Its bell could be heard for a great distance. 55 

At the Conference of 1857, the year the school was incorporated, 
the Visiting Committee reported "... increasing numbers and ne- 
cessities of those in attendance." The report of the Committee on 
Education was likewise very optimistic as to the prospects for the 
school, predicting that it was destined to exert a very extensive in- 
fluence, not only in Southern Oregon, but also in Northern Cali- 
fornia. The improvements and additions recommended in the report 
were made during the next two years. 56 After enjoying about fourteen 
years of untinterrupted prosperity. Umpqua Academv in 1873 lost 



its new building by fire. The Trustees decided to change the location 
to a new site a half mile west of the center of the village. 

The Committee on Education of the Conference did not even 
mention this fire in their report to Conference. In 1872 they had 
reported of Umpqua Academy: 

This Institution, which is without endowment, is valued, with its 
grounds and appurtenances, at $10,000 and is justly regarded as an 
important auxiliary to our cause in that section of the State. 

The same committee reported in 1873: "Its students have numbered 
86. It has a cabinet containing 1000 specimens. Its buildings are 
valued at $3,000." Not a word was written to indicate anything like 
a catastrophe or crisis. The 1874 report of the Committee on Educa- 
tion was devoted wholly to the Educational Convention held at 
Salem, December 29, 1873; but the report for 1875 revealed that: 

This institution, which met with some reverses last year in the loss 
of an excellent building by fire, has been more than doubly restored 
by the recent erection of a new and commodious building. . . . During 
the current year its prosperity in some respects exceeds that of any other 
year of its history, in that it has catalogued more students, its receipts 
more than meeting current expenses. 

The favorable report was, in effect, repeated at the next conference; 
and, in 1877, we read of another "year of unusual prosperity." Fifty 
more students were enrolled than were reported in 1873, bringing 
in tuition receipts of $1,640. By 1879 the Committee was able to 
report practical liquidation of indebtedness through sale of the old 
building and grounds for about $700. 57 

By this time the influence of the public school was beginning to be 
felt very strongly by all the independent and denominational schools 
and at the Conference of 1874 the Committee on Education was 
prompted to 

. . . earnestly recommend that there shall be but one University en- 
titled to confer degrees in the jurisdiction of the North Pacific Confer- 
ences of the M.E. Church and that shall be Willamette University at 
Salem, Oregon. 

It also suggested that: 

There may be as many academies established as adjuncts to the Uni- 
versity, as shall be adjudged necessary . . . 58 

This policy seems to have strengthened the Academies consider- 
ably, and in 1881 the Committee on Education was able to report 
of Umpqua Academy: 



This institution, founded in 1854, is in an extensive patronizing dis- 
trict and having the services of good teachers, has uniformly enjoyed 
a fair degree of prosperity, but at no time perhaps have its prospects 
and promises been more hopeful than at the present. 59 

In 1882 there were 130 pupils enrolled in the school, but there was 
no further report to the Conference until 1884. Only two terms had 
been taught during the year; and there was no Principal, though one 
had been sought. It is evident that the school was slowly but surely 
drifting toward its close. In 1887, the last year for which reports were 
made, the institution was free of debt, but the enrollment had de- 
creased to 99. Increasing patronage of the public school gave point to 
the plea that the Methodist establishment required aid from the Con- 
ference. It is plain that this school was confronted with the same 
conditions which in due time destined all of the Protestant academies 
to close their doors. From Robert A. Booth we have this information: 

The work heretofore done by the Academies of the state was being 
superseded by the public schools. . . . Accordingly it was voted on June 
30, 1888, to lease the premises to the public school district for a term 
of 10 years for S500, the rental to be applied to the building and 

On October 30, 1900, a resolution was adopted to sell the premises to 
the district for §400.eo 

Umpqua Academy, like all other educational institutions under 
the control of the Methodist Church, had a Board of Trustees 
made up partly of ministers and partly of laymen. They were named 
by the Conference and their names were printed in the Conference 
Journal. Also, the Principal of the school was usually a Methodist 
minister, officially appointed to that position by the Presiding Bishop 
from year to year, though really selected by the Board of Trustees. 
The Bible was read and devotions were conducted in the school, but 
its declared intention, as of all other church-related educational in- 
stitutions of The Methodist Church, was to be strictly nonsectarian 
in its educational program. Though this policy w T as conscientiously 
followed, it was the constant endeavor to operate a distinctively 
Christian school. Thus, the Academies were an important part, not 
only of the educational environment of the locality in which they 
were located, but they exerted a moral and spiritual influence that 
can scarcely be overestimated. 

A partial list of the principals of Umpqua Academy, with an 
asterisk before the names of those who were Methodist ministers, 
will be suggestive. 




* James H. B. Royal 


•J. G. Herron 


A. R. Flint 


*C. W. Todd 


*T. F. Royal 


*C. W. Todd 


*Ebenezer Arnold 


F. W. Grubbs (2 years) 


*Isaac Dillon 


•J. H. Skidmore 


*T. F. Royal 


S. Franklin 


♦Clark Smith 


H. S. Benson 


J. G. Deardorff 


W. C. Hawley 




Prof. Edwards 


This school was the outgrowth of several previous attempts to es- 
tablish an educational institution in Oregon City. First, Sidney W. 
Moss had taken pity on some children in his community in 1843 
and had employed John P. Brooks to teach them. That was really 
a private enterprise, but since the school was operated for others at 
the expense of a public-spirited citizen, it has often been credited 
as the first public school in Oregon. It did not continue for long, 
probably not for more than one term. The next attempt was that 
of Mrs. J. Quinn Thornton, a well educated woman who opened a 
private school at Oregon City in 1847 for young ladies. 61 

Since the Catholics also had a school at the former capital, it was 
only natural that William Roberts, the Superintendent of the 
Oregon Mission of the Methodist Church, should write the Board 
of Missions in 1849 urging that a school should be started in Oregon 
City, for the Catholics were giving attractive invitations to Prot- 
estants to send their children to the "papist" school. 62 

Roberts advocated the development of a non-Catholic school 
"probably on private responsibility"; and it is interesting to note 
that during the very year that he wrote, a movement such as he 
advocated was set going under "undenominational" auspices. 

Rev. Geo. H. Atkinson, a Congregational minister, seems to have 
been the moving spirit in the new educational project. He and a 
number of the leading citizens of Oregon City secured a charter in 
September, 1849 from the first Territorial Legislature for "The 
Clackamas County Female Seminary," with George Abernethy, 
G. H. Atkinson, Hezekiah Johnson, Wilson Blain, A. L. Lovejoy, 
Hiram Clark and James Taylor as the Trustees. The school was 
jointly sponsored by the various Protestant denominations who were 
then working in Oregon City, but especially by the Congregational- 
ists and the Methodists. 63 Rev. Atkinson was at that time Pastor of 
the Congregational Church in Oregon City and George Abernethy, 
who had been Governor of Oregon during the days of the Provisional 



Government, was one of the prominent merchants of Oregon City 
and a leading layman in the Methodist Church. 

The Charter of the school specifically stated that it was to be 
undenominational, and that no one religious sect was ever to have 
complete control. Dr. Atkinson was chosen Secretary of the Board 
of Trustees and was given the responsibility of soliciting and col- 
lecting subscriptions for the enterprise. George Abernethy, the 
largest subscriber, gave the first $1,000 and later an additional $500, 
a little more than a third of the total amount collected. Dr. John 
McLoughlin donated the block of land upon which the seminary 
was built. A. Morgan, an architect, donated the drawing and plans 
for the building, which was to be 30 by 60 ft. in size, two stories in 
height and arranged for living quarters and a boarding school. 

The contract for the building called for an $11,000 project. Not 
having the funds on hand, George Abernethy, on June 12, 1850, 
loaned $6,000, due on June 12, 1856. It was stipulated that, if the 
loan was not paid at that time, Mr. Abernethy was to get complete 
control of the property and the building. 

After $10,000 had been spent, the work came to a standstill for 
lack of funds. Nevertheless, in 1851, though the building was still 
unfinished, an attempt was made to open the school. It operated as 
the "Clackamas County Female Seminary," and apparently flourished, 
but the indebtedness was such a burden that there was soon dif- 
ficulty in paying current bills. The teachers became dissatisfied, and, 
because of the debt, the school was practically at an end in the fall 
of 1855. 

The difficulties were known, of course, to the Methodist Con- 
ference, held at Oregon City in August of that year. A resolution 
was offered by the Committee on Education and passed by the Con- 
ference to the effect that it would recommend to the Board of Mis- 
sions that it purchase the property of the Seminary, that a charter 
similar to those for other schools under the control of the church 
should be obtained and that a group of suitable persons be nom- 
inated to become a board of trustees. 64 

Rev. H. K. Hines was that year appointed Pastor of the Methodist 
Church in Oregon City and that fall, under his direction, the 
"Clackamas County Female Seminary" opened for the last time un- 
der that name. Since the note held by George Abernethy was due on 
June 12, 1856 and no funds were in sight to meet the obligation, 
the logical time had come for the termination of the "undenomina- 
tional" institution and the establishment of a Methodist Academy, 
henceforth to be known as "Oregon City Seminary." 



At the Conference of 1856, which was held in Portland and pre- 
sided over by Bishop Levi Scott, the Oregon City Seminary was left 
"to be supplied," much to the disappointment of the friends of edu- 
cation both inside and outside of the Methodist Church. The school, 
thus left "to be supplied," was not supplied and did not function at 
all during the year. At the Conference of 1857 the Committee on 
Education gave expression to its disappointment and practically de- 
manded that the Bishop transfer a man to the Oregon Conference 
to act as Principal. 

In spite of the strongly worded appeal, no Principal was appointed 
to the school for the year 1857-58, but Trustees were selected to 
"fill vacancies" in the Board. The members selected at this time 
were: *D. E. Blain, Charles Pope, A. E. Wait, Thomas Pope, Joel 
Burlingame, Dr. Barclay, George Abernethy, Thomas Charman; 
Visitors, J. K. Kelley, D. M. Rutledge, *Gustavus Hines. 65 

In 1858 Francis D. Hodgson was appointed Principal of the 
Oregon City Seminary, serving two years. Additional members of 
the Board of Trustees were named: William Deardorff, W. P. Burns, 
Amory Holbrook, J. E. Hurford, Chester Pope, Jr. Official Visitors 
appointed for this year were: J. K. Kelley, D. M. Rutledge, Rev. 
George H. Atkinson, Amory Holbrook. The fact that Rev. Atkinson, 
the Pastor of the Congregational Church in Oregon City, was one 
of the official Visitors to the newly-constituted Methodist Seminary 
gives ground for believing that there was an attempt to retain the 
interdenominational spirit. 66 

In 1860 the school was not mentioned in the Conference list of 
appointments, in the report of the Committee on Education, nor 
in the list of Trustees and Visitors to educational institutions, but 
the property of the Oregon City Seminary was listed at $5,000. 

During the time of Rev. Hodgson's service the following advertise- 
ment appeared in the papers: "The public may be assured that no 
pains will be spared to make this school equal to any in Oregon." 67 
One more Principal was appointed to the school, Rev. Benjamin F. 
Freeland, a young man who had joined the Oregon Conference on 
trial in 1858. 

At the end of Rev. Freeland's term, the building was leased to 
the Oregon City Council for school purposes at $150 per annum, the 
rental to be used by the Trustees of the Seminary for repairs on 
the building. The property was sold to the Oregon City Council in 
1867, for $2,000. That amount was transferred to the endowment 
fund of Willamette University, a piano was given to Umpqua Acad- 
emy and books and apparatus to Portland Academy. 




This institution, next, in point of time, after Oregon City Sem- 
inary, was, at the time of its founding, within the bounds of the 
Oregon Annual Conference. Having been memorialized, the Com- 
mittee on Education at the Conference of 1856 recommended estab- 
lishment, under Conference patronage, of "Puget Sound Institute," 

Hon. D. R. Bigelow, *G. M. Berry, W. S. Parsons, Hon. A. A. Denny, 
Hon. A. S. Abernethy, James Bliss, T. F. Berry, *J. S. Smith, William 
Wright, W. D. VanBuren, Dr. R. H. Lansdale, *J. F. DeVore, to take 
the necessary steps to become incorporated as a Board of Trustees, to 
select a favorable site, during the year and make a report to this body 
its next session. 6S 

At the next session of the Conference, held at Corvallis, August 
1857, the Committee on Education reported: 

Puget Sound Wesleyan Institute has passed through the first year of its 
existence and presents "clear papers," with a most hopeful and 
promising "balance sheet." We gather the following facts from .the re- 
port of the Trustees: A charter has been obtained and a board of Trus- 
tees organized under it. Rev. Isaac Dillon has been elected Principal 
and his reappointment to the post is desired. 

Rev. J. F. DeVore is the Agent and his Conference appointment as 
such is sought. A donation of the ten acres of land, adjoining Olympia, 
has been made to the institution, by Hon. D. R. Bigelow. 69 

A year later, the office of Principal of the Institute was left "To 
be supplied." During the year, Dr. Thomas Gatch was brought from 
California to fill the vacant position; the following year he was 
elected to the chair of ancient languages at Willamette University. 
By 1859, the Institute had ten acres of land, two town lots and 
fixtures valued at $1,250. Money for construction had also been 
raised. The minutes do not reveal what became of the school or the 
property it had acquired. 70 


Though there is no stated relationship between this institution 
and the Puget Sound Wesleyan Institute, certain men who were the 
promoters of the latter were now named as Trustees of the newly 
initiated Olympia Union Academy. The report of the Committee on 
Education in 1883 asked Conference acceptance of "The Institution 
at Olympia." 71 



The churches which were located in the State of Washington, and 
were in the Puget Sound District of the Oregon Conference, were, 
in 1884, formed into the Puget Sound Conference. Those wishing 
to follow the history of the Olympia Union Academy from that time 
forth should consult the records of the more recently organized 


In 1868, a Committee applied for the reception of Vancouver 
Seminary under the patronage of the Conference. 72 The application 
was referred to the Committee on Education, recommended by 
that body, accepted, and a Board of Trustees was appointed as fol- 
lows: J. E. C. Durgan, A. G. Cook, *I. Dillon, S. VanFleet, J. F. 
Smith, S. W. Brown, S. D. Maxon, *H. K. Hines, C. C. Stiles, M. R. 
Hathaway, *J. H. Wilbur, A. S. Abernethy, James Crawford, S. R. 
Whipple, J. H. Goddard. *Clark Smith, a young man who was a 
local Methodist Preacher, but not yet a member of the Conference, 
was appointed Principal of the school. In 1873, E. D. Curtis, another 
young man who that year was received into the Conference on trial, 
was reappointed Principal. The Seminary was commended for its 
"high degree of prosperity" during Curtis' first term. 

At the Conference of 1876 the Committee on Education reported 
that the school had been out of operation for twelve months. In 

1877 sale of the decaying schoolhouse was recommended; and in 

1878 it was reported that the property had been sold and the proceeds 
put in interest, while the lands were gradually increasing in value. 73 
Nothing more was ever reported to the Conference concerning this 


This institution began in the minds and hearts of the people of 
the Yamhill Circuit. At the Quarterly Conference of October 18, 
1873, held at Sheridan, a motion was made and carried 

. . . that it is the sense of this meeting that we proceed immediately to 
circulate a subscription to raise funds to erect an academy building in 
Sheridan and Bro. J. H. Adams be authorized to circulate said sub- 

Rev. Adams was the preacher in charge of the Yamhill Circuit, and 
the presiding officer at this Quarterly Conference. It is natural to 
assume that the idea of organizing such a school and building an 
Academy at Sheridan, originated with him. 



A little more than a year later, a Quarterly Conference report was 
made to the effect that a building had been erected for the Acad- 
emy at a cost of S2.938.79, but that there was an indebtedness of 
SI, 000 which would be due on November 17, 1875. Before the debt 
became due, the Conference took control and in 1875 named the 
following Trustees: G. C. Rowell, Paris McCain, u'm. Chapman, 
C. Buel, G. W. Graves, S. C. Foster. J. W. Miller, official Visitor, 
was appointed Pastor of the Sheridan Methodist Church; and since 
no one was named to superintend the school, it is probable that he 
was given that responsibility also. The other Visitor, P. M. Starr, 
was the Presiding Elder on that district. 74 

At the Conference of 1876 the Committee on Education reported 
that Sheridan Academy had operated for nine months during the 
year with an average attendance of 69 during the winter term. 
Prospects were considered hopeful, "though the institution is at 
present considerably in debt." At the Conference of 1876 the Sher- 
idan Methodist Church was left "to be supplied," but Prof. T. F. 
Royal was secured by the Trustees of Sheridan Academy to head the 
school. 75 The Committee on Education reported to the Conference 
in 1877 that the school had been "prosperous during his efficient 
management," and that liquidation of the indebtedness could be 
accomplished "easily" within a year. 76 The Committee on Education 
reported in 1878 that, though the Academy was not out of debt, its 
location in a rich country, without competition in the neighborhood, 
inspired hope of great usefulness. 77 

The first story of the Sheridan Academy building was used for 
church and Sunday school purposes, the second for the two room 
Academy. Before 1880 "district school" was being conducted in the 
educational unit, presaging a fadeout of church sponsorship. The 
last active year for Sheridan Academy was 1883, under Prof. W. T. 
Van Scoy. During the years 1886 and 1887 the Committee reported 
that the Academy had not been in operation. After that no mention 
at all is made of the school. 78 


At the Conference of 1868, Rev. Christopher Alderson was ap- 
pointed Pastor of Jacksonville Circuit, with Rev. J. W. Kuykendall 
as assistant. At a Quarterly Conference at Ashland in 1869, Rev. 
T. F. Royal, the Presiding Elder, broached the subject of the possi- 
bility of a church-sponsored educational institution in that city. A 
committee was appointed to interview the local residents and solicit 



funds for such an enterprise. Conditions being favorable, apparently, 
plans and specifications were prepared by Rev. Kuykendall and a 
contract for erecting the building was let to Blake and Emery. Be- 
fore the building was completed, however, difficulties overtook the 
venture and construction ceased. For three years the project was 
held up. 

In the meantime, despite the former failure and without proper 
financial support, the citizens of the county resumed promotion of a 
collegiate institution for Southern Oregon. 

In 1871 Rev. J. H. Skidmore was appointed Pastor. He was a 
well qualified teacher as well as preacher, and having served three 
years on the circuit, he was induced to take up the unfinished work 
on the school and to organize and conduct the desired institution of 
learning. Taking a "location" from the Conference in 1874, he com- 
pleted the school building, which had been closed. All the private 
interests of the original contributors and of the church were re- 
linquished to him and he began the school as a private enterprise. 
But after about one year the heavy debt and the high interest rate 
proved too heavy and the school again had to be closed. William 
Pierce Tucker found that 

... In February, 1879 the property was sold at a sheriff's sale. In reality, 
however, the ownership of the property remained within the church 
circle, for in the previous month the Ashland Methodist Official 
Board had appointed a Board of Trustees to function for the pro- 
posed Ashland College and Normal School. The property of the Ash- 
land Academy was purchased by the Board of Trustees and deeded to 
the Oregon Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church. 79 

The document, however, was not an ordinary warranty deed. It 
contained a reverting clause which provided that, in case of a failure 
to carry out the purpose for which the trust was given, the property 
should revert to the State of Oregon. 80 

At the Conference of 1879, the school was taken under the control 
of the Oregon Conference and the following Trustees were approved: 

J. S. McCain, W. T. Chapman, W. H. Watkins, G. F. Billings, John 
Walker, A. G. Rockfellow, L. L. Rogers, Clark Taylor, Jacob Wagner. 

Lowell L. Rogers, who had been a Professor at Willamette University 
in 1871, but had transferred to the Genesee Conference, came back 
to Oregon and was elected by the Trustees for a five-year term as 
Principal of Ashland College. Three Courses of Study were to be 
offered: Classical, Scientific, and Normal, Commercial and Musical. 



Emphasis was placed on the Normal School and on "Bookkeeping, 
Business Arithmetic, English Composition and other branches espe- 
cially preparatory for business life . . ." 81 Once more high hopes 
were entertained for the institution. In 1880 the Committee on Ed- 
ucation predicted that the "young institution would "be a blessing 
to both Church and State." 82 

Although at first the school did indeed seem to prosper, business 
conditions throughout the country began to cause difficulty. The 
Committee on Education first voiced its apprehension and concern 
for the school at the Conference of 1885. 83 The adverse economic 
conditions continued, and the school, like its patrons, had a dif- 
ficult time financially. The Ashland Methodist Church was no ex- 
ception and, though Ashland College had been turned over to the 
Conference, the local church still bore the brunt of the difficulty. 
The Conference was either unable or unwilling to assume responsi- 
bilities it was expected to shoulder. 

Whether it was because of these financial difficulties, or because 
of dissatisfaction on the part of the Conference, the question of the 
title to the property arose. The Committee on Education reported to 
the Conference of 1887: 

Since the conditions in the title of Ashland College property have 
not been met, the committee recommended the release of all the claims 
of the church to said property. 84 

Financial difficulties, the disagreement between the Church and 
the Conference as to the responsibility of the latter and the rever- 
sionary clause in the title that was unacceptable to the Conference 
combined to bring matters to such a standstill that nothing more 
was done with Ashland College until 1893. In that year, negotiations 
were entered into between the recently organized Portland Uni- 
versity and the people of Ashland for the reopening of the College. 

Accounts differ regarding the details of the negotiations and of 
the agreements reached between the Portland University and the 
people of Ashland. According to one account, Dr. C. C. Stratton, 
President of Portland University and Rev. Thomas Van Scoy, the 
dean of the University, decided that it would be a good policy to 
open branches in other parts of the state, though Portland Univer- 
sity itself had hardly more than started. With the consent of the 
Board of Trustees of their school the two men went to Ashland and 
proposed that one of the branch schools should be opened there. As 
a result of their visit, an agreement was signed on April 28, 1893 
by Thomas Van Scoy, C. C. Stratton and A. C. Fairchild, repre- 



senting Portland University and G. M. Granger, W. A. Patrick, F. H. 
Carter, G. F. Billings and George Crowson, on behalf of the citizens 
of Ashland, by which it was provided that the people of Ashland 
were to subscribe $12,000 as an endowment fund for the proposed 
school. This fund was to be matched by Portland University with 
$8,000. As soon as this fund was subscribed, the building for the 
new school would be started. Also, a Board of Trustees was to be 
chosen: seven by the citizens of Ashland and seven by Portland 

The people of Ashland subscribed $13,500, but the University did 
not make good on the promise of its representatives for the $8,000. 
Instead, word came that the University, because of financial diffi- 
culties, would not be able to go through with the agreement. This 
being the case, work on the building which had already begun, had 
to be stopped. 

The building stood unfinished, with no visible prospects of com- 
pletion. To complicate matters, on December 29, 1894, notice was 
given by the Sugar Pine Door and Lumber Co. of Grants Pass that 
it had secured a lien on the property for a judgment for $3200. The 
people of Ashland tried in vain to raise sufficient funds to take over 
the project. 85 

William Pierce Tucker also represents the proposal to start a 
branch of Portland University at Ashland as coming from the repre- 
sentatives of Portland University. He says: 

In 1893 Portland University, which had been founded in 1891 in- 
augurated the policy of opening branch schools in various parts of 
the state. Ashland was offered a branch of the institution. 86 

A third witness says: 

Portland University — was raising high hopes of the educational pro- 
moters of the northwest and made a proposition to Ashland to endow 
a normal school with $20,000 if the people of the city would furnish a 
suitable building and grounds. The offer was accepted and a building 
commenced. It soon became evident that the Portland University 
would not be able to keep its part of the agreement, and work on the 
buildings had to be temporarily suspended. 87 

The Oregon Annual Conference of the Methodist Church seems 
to have had quite a different understanding of the agreement be- 
tween Portland University and the people of Ashland and, indeed, 
concerning the origin of the enterprise. In 1893, the Committee on 
Education, of which Rev. A. C. Fairchild was one of the members, 



referred to the project as a: ". . . . spontaneous movement originated 
in Ashland in favor of a preparatory school to be affiliated with 
Portland University." The Committee stated the University posi- 
tion that ... 

In accepting these overtures from Ashland, and bringing the col- 
legiate institute into close affiliated relations with themselves, the trus- 
tees of the University have not intended to multiply institutions of 
learning, but to enlarge the basis of patronage, and pre-occupy in their 
own interest a territory which would otherwise have been occupied in 
the interest of rival institutions. 

The following nominations for Trustees were submitted: 

C. C. Stratton, Thomas Van Scoy, P. L. Willis, The Principal of the 
school, the Presiding Elder of the District, J. S. Smith, Wm. Heavener, 
F. H. Carter, Jno. E. Peterson, J. S. Downing, D. S. Glenn, George 
Crowson, D. T. Lawton, J. E. Bernard. 

Visitors named were: C E. Locke, A. N. Fisher, J. T. Abbett, George 
Hartung, C. J. 

It is evident that somebody was greatly mistaken, not to say de- 
ceived, about the initiation of the enterprise, and also as to the pro- 
visions of the agreement. It is quite evident that Dr. C. C. Stratton 
was a vigorous promoter of rather grandiose schemes. As careful a 
historian as Dr. Robert M. Gatke asserts that, during those years 
before the depression struck Portland University, the leaders of 
that school were seeking to bring subsidiary schools into its orbit of 
influence as feeders for the University. 89 At any rate, the affair 
seems to have put the quietus on Ashland College. 

As for Dr. Stratton and Dr. Van Scoy, they were both men of un- 
questioned character. Dr. Stratton was well known in Oregon, hav- 
ing been a graduate of Willamette University, serving most of his 
long and very successful ministry in Oregon, beginning in 1858. 
Dr. Van Scoy's period of service within the state was shorter. He was 
President of Willamette University from 1881 to 1891, when he 
accepted the position of Dean of the newly organized Portland Uni- 
versity. At that time there seemed to be such bright prospects for a 
rapid development of the city around the educational center that 
little question was raised about the financial success of a venture 
into which both men plunged with contagious enthusiasm. Many 
others besides these two good men were caught up in the rosy clouds; 
and the confident expectation seemed to be that a great university 
could be built, with the profits from an ambitious land-development 



program providing at least a major portion of the price. It was 
tragic, to be sure, that the scheme failed, and that others were in- 
volved in the failure; but simple misjudgment rather than any dis- 
honesty on the part of the two men must be blamed. 

The belief of the Board of Education that the initiative in this 
whole matter came from the Ashland people is more difficult to ex- 
plain. Why should it have understood that the Portland University 
had in no way made itself financially responsible for the Ashland 
Collegiate Institute? It had been the definitely stated policy of the 
Conference since 1874 to keep the finances of the Academies en- 
tirely separate from those of Willamette University; and there had 
never been any indication that this policy had been changed with 
regard to Portland University. Likewise, in 1877, the Conference 
had adopted a policy of having fewer academic institutions under 
its care, rather than a greater number. How the representatives of 
Portland University could have acted with the full knowledge and 
consent of the Board of Trustees in giving the people of Ashland a 
different understanding — all this is a mystery which probably will 
never be satisfactorily explained. 

In any case, Ashland College, or Ashland Collegiate Institute, is 
never again mentioned in the Journals of the Oregon Conference. 
But from Mr. Pemberton we learn that Professor W. T. VanScoy, 
who was then connected with Drain Normal School, suggested that 
the Ashland State Normal School should be transferred to the build- 
ing which had been erected for the Ashland Collegiate Institute. The 
proposal was accepted by the Trustees of the Normal School, and 
the city bought the Normal School building for a high school. "With 
the funds thus raised, the lien on the Institute property was removed 
and the property passed into the hands of the reorganized Southern 
Oregon State Normal School." 90 

Ashland College was headed by three men only during its varied 

1874-1875 J. H. Skidmore 
1879-1882 Lowell L. Rogers 
1882-1887 Miller S. Royal 

P. L. Willis was named as Principal of the Ashland Collegiate In- 
stitute in 1893, but the enterprise did not get started. 


At the Conference of 1883, held at Vancouver, Washington Ter- 
ritory, the Committee on Education reported that Drain Academy, 



which had been established since the last session of the Annual Con- 
ference, had asked to be recognized and placed under the patronage 
of the Conference. If any action was taken, however, it does not ap- 
pear in the minutes. The school was already in operation before 
conference time in 1884, however, reporting 143 students, a full 
corps of teachers under Prof. H. L. Benson, and the united support of 
the community. 

In August, 1885, the Committee on Education announced that 
the Legislature had made this "very popular" establishment a State 
Normal school. However, the Annual Conference of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church continued to list Boards of Trustees, and to give 
to the Conference reports of the work of the school. A Methodist 
secondary school apparently continued to operate in connection with 
the State Normal School. 91 

In 1886 the Committee on Education recommended appointment 
of Rev. T. L. Jones as Endowment Agent for the Academy. 92 F. W. 
Benson and R. A. Booth were mentioned as being in charge of the 
school during the year 1886-87: Benson as President of the Normal 
School and R. A. Booth as Principal of the Academic department. 
The enrollment had increased, but the endowment fund had not 
prospered so well. The Board of Trustees had agreed that unless 
$4,000 were raised within a year, all subscriptions would be void. 
Though only some $2,500 was secured, the Conference did not let 
the matter end there. T. L. Jones was re-elected as Endowment 
Agent, taking a supernumerary relation with the Conference in 
order to carry on that work more effectively. 

Though trustees were named from year to year, little more is 
said in the Conference Journals about Drain Academy. The last 
mention is in the report of the Committee on Education in 1890: 

Drain Academy has had a year of great prosperity under the efficient 
management of Prof. W. C. Hawley, and deserves the commendation 
and cooperation of this Conference. 

Then followed a list of the Trustees nominated for the following 
year. 93 Evidently the Academy simply faded out as the Normal School 
enlarged its activities and increased in number of students. As had 
been true in so many other situations, this Academy, sponsored by 
the Church, had to give way to the increasing effectiveness and pop- 
ularity of the public school system. 




By 1 890, of all the educational institutions that had been sponsored 
by the Oregon Annual Conference of the Methodist Episcopal 
Church, only Willamette University, Santiam Academy, and Drain 
Academy remained. All the rest had either been transferred to an- 
other Conference, or they had ceased to exist. But population had 
increased; and in spite of the conclusions of the Educational Con- 
vention of December 29, 1873, which had been endorsed whole- 
heartedly by the Conference of 1874, to the effect that there should 
be but one University in the Pacific Northwest, Willamette Univer- 
sity, the Committee on Education began to agitate for the estab- 
lishment of a university at Portland. Since Willamette University 
was in dire financial straits, and since no university had as yet 
been established in Portland, many forward-looking people began 
to think seriously that it might be well to change the location of the 
University to a more populous area. Hence the Committee on Edu- 
cation brought in this resolution, which was adopted by the Con- 

Resolved, That we urge the trustees of Willamette University to take 
immediate steps to erect new buildings, upon a new site, for the use 
of the University, that the value of the present grounds may be added 
to the permanent endowment fund. 

Rev. C. C. Stratton had already been elected by the Board of 
Trustees of Willamette University as financial agent, and given the 
title of Chancellor. He was to serve under the President of the Uni- 
versity, Rev. Thomas Van Scoy. It was his task to pay off the indebted- 
ness of the University and to increase the endowment. 94 

It is not likely that the proponents of a University for Portland 
had, at the beginning, any desire to start an additional institution. 
It was their thought simply to move Willamette University to a 
new location. Probably, however, they did intend that it should be 
known by another name. When it became known that there was a 
possibility that Willamette University might seek a new location, 
people in various places immediately began to agitate for selection 
of their town cites. The Oregonian took up the cry to encourage 
bringing Willamette University to Portland. 

The year after Rev. C. C. Stratton had been brought to Willamette 
University as Chancellor, a Board of Trustees was elected for Port- 
land University, consisting of James Abraham, *J. W. Bushong, 
J. K. Gill, *W. S. Harrington, *A. Kummer, *G. M. Pierce, G. W. 
Staver, *Thomas Van Scoy, *M. C. Wire, Dell Stuart, *R. C. Hough- 



ton, *S. P. Wilson. Stratton was appointed by the Bishop as President 
of Portland University. A Visiting Committee of three members was 
also named and the University was launched upon its course. 

The report of the Committee on Education for 1892, as it deals 
with Portland University, properly belong to this history: 

The first session was opened in September with an attendance of 100, 
which rapidly increased and registered during the year, 256 . . . 

From the report of Hon. H. W. Scott, president of the Trustees, your 
committee selected the following historical statements relative to the 
origin of the University, and its present financial condition; 

On the ninth of February, 1891, the Trustees consumated the purchase 
of several parcels of land aggregating about 600 acres. The tract is now 
known as University Park, and nearly all is within the city limits of 
Portland. The total price was about §300,000, an average of §500. per 

University authorities felt that "after discharging their debts the 
building up of the permanent endowment should be their first con- 
sideration." The Committee approved and went on ". . . to record 
the hope that it will become an unalterable and traditional prin- 
ciple of the University . . ." 95 

The report of the President of the University, Dr. C. C. Stratton, 
which was quoted by the Committee on Education at the Conference 
of 1893, was encouraging: 

This young and vigorous institution has now been in existence two 
years. Its register of students for the first year was 256; for the second, 
just closed, it was 541. 

The school began to draw support from the entire Pacific Northwest. 
Indeed, it looked as though Portland University was destined to be 
the greatest University in that entire area. The President wrote: 

There are in Oregon nine institutions of learning of college and uni- 
versity grade — all located west of the Cascade range. These are under 
the auspices of the state and of the different Protestant Churches. 
Grouping these altogether, with the exception of Portland University, 
we have the following facts: The eight institutions combined have in 
their literary departments from Washington, Eastern Oregon and 
Idaho, fifty-nine students from thirty-three different localities, while 
Portland University alone has from the same territory one hundred 
and seven students from sixty-one localities; showing a far wider basis 
and a far more liberal patronage outside of the Willamette Valley than 
all other educational institutions in the state combined. 



Financially, the prospects were equally promising: 

As the ability of the University to redeem its bonds at maturity de- 
pends upon the sales of its land, the founders of the institution have 
watched this department of its work with much interest. ... At the 
present time the sales amount to over three hundred thousand dollars, 
the full amount of the bonds, which by the way, have two and one- 
half years yet to run. 

In addition to the College of Arts, Portland University conducted 
a School of Music and a School of Theology. It began to attract be- 
quests from persons of large means. One lady willed her estate of 
11,000 acres, stipulating that the University was to pay her an an- 
nuity as long as she lived. 96 

By 1895 the school was in a very flourishing condition, as far as 
enrollment was concerned, and the Department of Theology re- 
ported an astonishing number of young men training for the min- 
istry and for the mission field. Nevertheless, "The unprecendented 
[sic] financial depression" was beginning to make itself seriously 
felt. The bequest which had been accepted previously, and for which 
an annuity was being paid, brought no immediate benefit and no 
aid from that source was in prospect for an indefinite number of 
years. The instructors, especially in the Department of Theology 
which was dependent on the bequest, had to labor entirely without 
salary. In 1896, the President of the University, Dr. Stratton, felt it 
necessary to take a supernumerary relation in the Conference and 
ended his executive relationship. Dr. Thomas Van Scoy, who had 
been Dean of the College of Liberal Arts, was now designated as 
Dean of Portland University. 

The school continued to grow slightly, and to do good work under 
the leadership of Dr. Van Scoy, but the financial depression created 
great difficulty for Portland University, as well as for Willamette 
University and other schools. 

At the Conference of 1896 the Committee on Education took 
serious note of the difficulty of maintaining so many educational in- 
stitutions by the Methodist Church, and said: 

With an earnest desire to conserve and strengthen our educational 
institutions we recommend the appointment, by the Presiding Elders 
of a Commission of fifteen of which the Presidents of Willamette and 
Portland Universities, and the Presiding Elders shall be members, and 
of which our Bishop Cranston shall be chairman, which Commission 
shall take steps toward a possible unification of our Educational in- 
terests and make a report to the next Conference. 97 



What the Committee had in mind was the possible consolidation 
of Willamette University, Puget Sound University and Portland 
University into one school — at Portland. Needless to say, the au- 
thorities and adherents of Willamette University and of Puget Sound 
University did not take kindly to that solution of the problem. But 
something had to be done. Creditors were pressing for settlement of 
their claims. Trustees of the schools were taking desperate measures 
to maintain their institutions in the face of financial reverses. But 
there was serious doubt in the minds of many whether the consoli- 
dated school at Portland, which its backers, the Educational Com- 
mission, desired so much, would work. Furthermore, a legal opinion 
to the effect that if Willamette University vacated its site it would 
have to forfeit its charter, and probably lose its ownership of the 
site entirely, made it certain that Portland University would have to 
close its doors and surrender its assets to its creditors. Thus ended the 
excellent and promising start which had been made toward a great 

Even as late as 1898 the Committee on Education reported a for- 
lorn hope: 

It is sincerely to be hoped that the movement toward consolidation 
will ultimately result in the great enlargement and solidification of 
our educational interests. Though legal disabilities exist which prevent 
Willamette University from uniting in the consolidation plan at pres- 
ent, it is possible that this may be overcome by legislative enactment 
at some time in the future. 98 

When consolidation did finally come, it was through the dissolu- 
tion of Portland University and the absorption of what remained of it 
by Willamette University. The Committee on Education at the Con- 
ference of 1899 took note of the fact that the Puget Sound University 
and the Portland University had failed to meet the conditions of 
union. The liquidation of the plant and assets of Portland Univer- 
sity was necessary to satisfy creditors. The Conference adopted a 
resolution condemning "real estate entanglements" and recommend- 
ing consolidation which would end the separate existence of Portland 
University. The amalgamation was effected in good spirit." 


Although the educational institutions of the Methodist Church 
were intended to be non-sectarian, it was always the endeavor to 
present religious truth as an essential part of education. The Bible 
was read and devotions were held as parts of the regular program. 



Though Methodist ministers were frequently at the head of the 
schools, and were well represented on the Boards of Trustees, almost 
without exception men of non-Methodist affiliations were also on 
the Boards; and a sincere attempt was made to make the class work 
entirely non-sectarian. 

But almost from the start the need was felt for a course of instruc- 
tion according to Methodist beliefs for those who were preparing 
for the ministry. Hence the Conference of 1856 was prepared for 
the declaration of the Committee on Education: 

Early attention should be paid to the subject of Theological instruc- 
tion. For this also a present demand exists. A number of young men 
are now attending the schools under our care, who believe themselves 
divinely called to the ministry, and who desire to enter upon its sacred 
and arduous duties, as soon as they have obtained the requisite quali- 
fications. Your Committee therefore, recommend that a Theological 
class be organized immediately in the Wallamet University, to be 
under the tuition of the President. 100 

Willamette University did not, at that time, have any Theological 
Department. There was some talk of such a development from time 
to time thereafter for about ten years, but until 1866 nothing 
further seems to have been done about it; then the Committee on 
Education reported: 

The Trustees of the University contemplate the speedy establishment 
of Theological, Medical and Law Departments, and a Normal School. 
It may be well to say that we deem the time has fully come to in- 
augurate such provisions that our young men need be under no neces- 
sity of going to other States for professional instruction. 101 

At the meeting of the Board of Trustees of Willamette University 
in 1867, Gustavus Hines, who was Presiding Elder of the Upper 
Willamette District, moved that the University establish a Theo- 
logical Department. This motion was adopted, and a group of 
ministers was appointed to put it into effect. Rev. David Leslie, 
who was at that time Chairman of the Board of Trustees of the 
University, was named chairman of the select committee. 

The catalogue of 1866-67 announced a full three-year course in 
the new department, and qualified candidates from any evangelical 
church were admitted. Knowing the financial limitations under 
which they must work, the Trustees planned to secure volunteer 
instructors from Salem and vicinity. It was hoped that this expedient 
would meet the need, and make it unnecessary for candidates for 



the ministry to go elsewhere for their ministerial preparation. Evi- 
dently, offerings lacked appeal to many prospective students of 
Theology, for nothing is said in the reports, either of the University 
or of the Committee on Education, of any graduates from the 
Theological course, or even of students enrolled. 

The next attempt at theological education for the candidates for 
the ministry was the formation of "The Oregon Conference Educa- 
tional Society," in 1879 ". . . to assist young men, called of God to 
preach the Gospel, in acquiring a suitable education for such work 
in the Methodist Episcopal Church." 102 

Action taken, however, was more in the nature of an organization 
that would accumulate and administer a fund from which candidates 
for the ministry might borrow in order to go to some Theological 
Seminary in one of the eastern states, or to take whatever courses 
might be offered at Willamette University. There was no attempt 
to organize a School of Theology, or a department for such training. 
In 1883, the Committee on Education reported that $200 from the 
resources of the Society had been disbursed in helping four young 
men. The action taken, or its inadequacy, stimulated interest in 
theological education and in the demand for a Chair of Theology 
in Willamette University. 103 

The Trustees of the University reported that they were impressed 
with the necessity of providing some theological direction for about 
20 young men enrolled at the school and preparing for the ministry, 
and for others like them. Though the Chair of Theology, of which 
they dreamed for several years, had not yet materialized, they had 
voted to employ Rev. Nehemiah Doane as a Lecturer on Theology, 
provided the Conference would so request, and to authorize the 
taking of collections for his support. 104 Authorization was accord- 
ingly given and Rev. Doane was appointed Lecturer on Theology 
at Willamette University, a position which he held for four years. 

It was quite evident that a mere lectureship at Willamette Uni- 
versity, however efficiently administered, was not an adequate an- 
swer to the pressing need. At the June meeting of the Board of 
Trustees of the University in 1889, a committee of five was appointed 
to present the cause of theological education to the Annual Con- 
ference, to see if some definite action could not be taken toward 
establishing such instruction upon a more satisfactory basis. 

In September, Rev. Doane, representing the Committee, did 
present the matter to the Conference, which acted favorably. The 
Trustees were urged to provide a theological department in connec- 
tion with Willamette University. In the meantime, the recommenda- 



tion of the Conference Committee on Education was that young men 
preparing for the ministry, who should elect to go elsewhere, should 
enter Maclay School of Theology, in San Fernando, California. 105 

The Theological Department was organized at Willamette Uni- 
versity, for the collegiate year of 1889-90, with four instructors, 
occupying the chairs of Greek Exegesis, Systematic Theology, His- 
torical Theology, and Hebrew Exegesis. The four professors ap- 
pointed were: *Nehemiah Doane, *M. C. Wire, *H. K. Hines, and 
♦William Rollins. The enrollment of students, however, was very 
small. 106 

Soon after Portland University was organized in 1891, a Theo- 
logical Department was established at that school. To make matters 
worse for Willamette, two of the professors who were most influ- 
ential in getting a Theological Department started at that University, 
Nehemiah Doane and H. K. Hines, transferred to the new school. 
Willamette University continued to list a Theological Department, 
with local ministers as instructors, but no students were enrolled 
for the courses in this department until after the dissolution of 
Portland University, which regularly featured its Theological De- 
partment as long as it operated, and enrolled a goodly number of 
students. 107 After the liquidation of the Portland school, theological 
instruction at Willamette was again confined to a rather indefinite 

The Committee on Education at the Conference of 1903 gave 
voice to the growing conviction that adequate provision must be 
made for the instruction of the young men who were to be the 
ministers of their church: 

The times demand the best possible training for the ministry. The 
Church needs, for strong leadership, thoroughly equipped men. . . We 
look forward to the establishing of a first-class Theological Seminary 
on the Pacific Coast at an early date. 108 

During this period Dr. John Coleman was President of Willamette 
University. He sought out his friend, Dr. Henry D. Kimball, a 
minister of great success in the work of the Church, and induced 
him and his wife, Luella D. Kimball, to undertake the establish- 
ment of a school of Theology in connection with Willamette Uni- 
versity. Mrs. Kimball, a lady of considerable means who was deeply 
devoted to the Church and its interests, consented to become the 
Dean of the school. 

"The Kimball School of Theology," therefore, was formally an- 
nounced at the Conference of 1906, and incorporated in 1907 as 



an independent school, with its own Board of Trustees, but it was 
closely allied with Willamette University. Kimball School of The- 
ology had a reciprocal arrangement with the University by which 
some courses of the School of Theology were given at Willamette, and 
some University courses were given at Kimball, which was located 
on the Willamette University campus. However, Kimball's finances 
and its control were entirely independent of the University. 

Kimball School of Theology was a regular part of the Methodist 
system of Colleges and Universities. Its Dean, or President, was 
a member of the University Senate of the Denomination. The 
Committee on Education of the Conference spoke of it as a "Depart- 
ment of the University," and it was quite generally, but erroneously, 
regarded in that light. 

The report of the Committee on Education to the Conference of 
1906 announced the beginning of this school and pledged "cordial 
support" to "this School of the Prophets." 109 A year later it was re- 
ported that 23 students were enrolled, and that 83 had declared their 
purpose of entering the school at the earliest possible date. The 
Columbia River Conference also pledged its support and an endow- 
ment was planned. 

In 1911 the College reported that eight of its graduates were then 
serving acceptably in the churches of the Oregon Conference and 
that, in the five years since its organization, over sixty had received 
instruction in its class rooms. But it also reported that the institu- 
tion greatly needed increased endowment, and more adequate 
provision for its current expenses. 110 In 1913 the Committee on 
Education hopefully announced plans for "a systematic and sustained 
campaign for endowment." 11X 

For one more year, Dr. Kimball served as Dean of the school, but 
at the close of the scholastic year of 1913-1914 he retired, and Dr. 
H. J. Talbott was elected to succeed him. The Committee on Edu- 
cation paid a just tribute to Dr. and Mrs. Kimball in their report 
to the Conference and hailed the new Dean in glowing terms. 112 

Although the faculty of Kimball School of Theology was always 
small, usually only two professors beside the Dean, the reciprocal 
arrangement with Willamette University greatly increased the 
capacity and effectiveness of the school. However, after Dr. Kimball 
resigned, and a new Dean came who could not continue to head the 
school without remuneration, finances became more of a problem. 
At the close of Dr. Talbott's first year the Committee on Education 
had to report that, lacking the former generosity of Dr. and Mrs. 
Kimball, a deficiency was developing. 113 



Dr. Talbott gave six years of faithful service to the school, but 
on October 19, 1920 death struck suddenly while he was at his 
labors. His term of office had been a period of great financial dif- 
ficulty for the school, unrelieved by the Conference's annual and 
sincere tributes and renewed vows of loyalty. The members of the 
faculty, notably Dr. Edwin Sherwood and Dr. Everett S. Hammond, 
offered to "get along somehow" without their whole salaries. But 
Dr. Talbott declined the offer, borrowing on his life insurance 
during the stringency in order that his faculty might be paid. With 
such self-sacrificing devotion these men carried the burdens of the 
school during those days. 114 

Dr. Talbott was succeeded by Rev. Eugene C. Hickman, a man 
eminently qualified for such a work, who served until 1926. The 
General Board of Education came to the support of Kimball School 
of Theology with a subsidy, and the Conference itself wrote askings 
of $1,000 per year into its Conference budget. Soon after coming 
to the presidency of the school, however, Dr. Hickman came to the 
conclusion that the school was poorly located to do its most effective 
work, for there were too few opportunities for theological students to 
do clinical work and too few student charges near enough to be 
served by such students. Therefore, after consulting with many of 
the leaders of the Church, as well as with the Faculty, a movement 
was initiated to move the School to Seattle, to be maintained there 
in connection with University Temple and the Wesley Foundation 
at the University of Washington. This plan met with an enthusiastic 
response from some of the denominational leaders, including Dr. 
Ralph Diffendorfer, but, needless to say, it aroused less enthusiasm, 
if not active opposition, on the part of others. The citizens of Salem 
were not happy to see the school go, and the faculty members were 
unhappy at the prospect of being so unsettled. 

The agitation in favor of the move gained momentum, and finally 
resulted in the decision on the part of the Board of Trustees to 
close the school and move to Seattle. But, before the plan could be 
consummated, financial demands in behalf of both Willamette 
University and the College of Puget Sound made the added drain 
incident to the reestablishment of Kimball School of Theology at 
Seattle unbearable. So the School, having undermined existing sup- 
port, and not having provided any foundations at all in its expected 
new location, found itself practically an orphan. Too late, the Board 
of Education, in 1928, two years after Dr. Hickman's departure, 
announced increases in support by three conferences. 115 

Dr. John M. Canse who succeeded Dr. Hickman, came to Kimball 



School of Theology under a fatal handicap. Resolutions passed by 
the Conference freely and repeatedly expressing its conviction that 
the School was essential to the work of the Church in this region 
seemingly had little effect. The School was fighting for its life. The 
new President had to spend much of his time soliciting funds. Things 
went from bad to worse until the Board of Trustees of Kimball 
School of Theology had to admit defeat, and suspend operations 
for the academic year of 1930-31; yet the graduating class of 1930 
was the largest in the history of the School. It was hoped that the 
indebtedness could be cleared up, and that the School could be 
reopened after one year. But it was found that in order to meet the 
standards which had been set by the General Board of Education 
it would be necessary to secure an endowment of at least $250,000 
by 1932, a goal which seemed unattainable. 

Nevertheless, the Conference Board of Education stated several 
alternatives in their report: 

1. The resumption and strengthening of the program of Kimball 
School of Theology. 

2. The establishment of a Methodist School for all the Pacific Coast. 

3. An arrangement with the Pacific School of Religion at Berkeley. 

4. The establishment of a Kimball Foundation for Theological Study. 

A Joint Commission on Kimball School of Theology was named 
by Bishop Lowe at the Conference of 1930. Oregon members were: 
E. L. Mills, D. L. Fields, and C. W. DeGraff. The three representa- 
tives from Oregon were to confer with like commissioners from other 
Conferences to explore the possibility of establishing a School of 
Theology somewhere on the Pacific Coast — a school which would 
be a joint enterprise of all Methodism on the west coast. 116 Al- 
though the Commission did meet with the commissioners from the 
other Conferences, there were no immediate results. 117 

No further action was taken by the Commission toward the or- 
ganization of a Theological School on the West Coast. A Board 
of Trustees for Kimball School of Theology was maintained until 
1950, for the reason that some had written Kimball School of 
Theology into wills and bequests, and some corporation had to be 
maintained until all likelihood of receiving funds from these sources 
was gone. 

The endowment fund which belonged to Kimball School of The- 
ology when it closed, it was hoped, might go to a fund for helping 
needy young men who in their preparation for the ministry needed 
help. But before Bishop Lowe had completed his administration in 



the Portland Area, contact was made with Mrs. Kimball in regard 
to use of the fund, since she had contributed a considerable portion 
of it. It was her wish that, since Kimball School of Theology could 
not be continued, endowment funds should be given to some 
charities in which she was interested. Her wish was respected. The 
school library was sold to various schools and individuals, and those 
books that could not be sold were given away, achieving complete 
disposal of the entire library. The building which had housed the 
School was used for a time by Willamette University, but was finally 
torn down by a contractor who was given the materials for wrecking 
and removing it. Even the basement has been filled in and lawn 
planted on the spot; consequently, at this writing, nothing remains 
of the noble attempt at thelogical education in the Oregon Con- 
ference except the men and women who received within its walls 
their preparation for the ministry or the mission field. 

The closing of Kimball School of Theology was a major tragedy 
for the Methodist Church on the West Coast. Perhaps the action was 
inevitable, but the writer of this sketch does not accept this view. 
If admittedly great financial problems had been the only difficulty, 
they could have been surmounted. But the resident Bishop had the 
firm conviction that Kimball School of Theology could not, and 
probably would never be able to give training to our young ministers 
equal to that which they would get in our eastern seminaries. Some 
others agreed with him. Others of us were uncertain, but had to 
acquiesce reluctantly and give our consent to the closing of Kimball 
School of Theology. 

The feeling was quite general among the alumni and many friends 
of the school that liquidation was a great mistake, and that, with 
proper efforts, the institution could have been saved. Dr. Doney, 
then President of Willamette University, agreed. But opposition 
to closure was not unified, and seemingly nothing could be done 
before it was too late. 

The result of Kimball's closing has been that candidates for the 
ministry have had to go long distances for their education. Some of 
our most promising young men who have gone to the eastern semi- 
naries, have secured appointments in eastern Conferences, and have 
failed to return to Oregon. Some have gone to schools on the West 
Coast which are operated by other religious groups, and have either 
left our ministry, or have had their theological views so changed 
from traditional Methodist doctrine that their services are of ques- 
tionable value to the Methodist Church. Still others have gone to 



interdenominational schools which are seeking to do what our own 
Church should be doing for our young ministerial students. 

Only Willamette University remains of all the Conference-spon- 
sored educational efforts of the Oregon Methodist Church. As the 
Conference of 1856 anticipated, the common school system did 
eventually provide adequately for "all the branches of a thorough 
education." Theological training is the exception. Financial troubles 
ended even projects which, perhaps, should have been continued. 
Yet the author is only one of many who have profited from services 
provided by institutions whose planned glory has departed. 


Chapter XI 

Educational Institutions of 
The Methodist Episcopal Church, South 

UNTIL 1858 there was one Methodist denomination only in 
Oregon. But in that year the Methodist Episcopal Church, 
South, began its work. Eight years later, in 1866, there were 12 
regular ministers and 12 local preachers of that persuasion working 
in this field; and the Columbia Conference of the Methodist Epis- 
copal Church, South, was organized. 

The M. E. Church, South, was as interested in education as was 
its sister denomination. In 1865 it organized its first collegiate in- 
stitution in Oregon, Corvallis College. 

The report of the Board of Education of the Conference, a few 
years later put in concrete form its estimate of the importance of 
proper education: 

Believing the proper education of the masses of a people to be con- 
ducive to their proper well being, we regard it as of the utmost im- 
portance that Christianity should, through the agencies at her com- 
mand, control this matter. Agencies for evil are numerous. . . 

We have no sympathy with Protestants who educate their children 
under the auspices of Roman Catholicism: nor with semi-infidelity that 
seeks to exclude the Word of God from the Common Schools of our 
Country. The youth of our land will be educated; and the question 
is, who shall do the work? Shall infidels and pseudo religionists leave 
their blightening impress upon their minds and hearts, or shall 
Protestant Christianity train them for usefulness here and glory, honor 
and immortality hereafter? 1 


In 1858, the very year the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, 
began its work in Oregon, a coeducational community school was 
incorporated under the name of Corvallis College. During the sum- 
mer and fall of 1859 a building was erected at 5th and Madison 
Streets. It was called a "college," but all grades, from the primary 
to the academic department were accommodated. It was dependent 
in large measure upon public subscriptions for support; and it was 
built, not by any church nor by a public body, but by a group 
of private promoters who seemed to have intended that it should 
become a parochial school. However, these promoters built too 



ambitiously, with the result that a debt was incurred of such pro- 
portions that bankruptcy of the enterprise resulted. The buildings 
and grounds (block 26) were sold at a Sheriff's sale to the Methodist 
Episcopal Church, South. 2 

It is not known to this writer whether the Methodist Church began 
its school on this property before this sheriff's sale, or whether 
Dr. Horner erred in saying that the sale took place in 1866, but 
we do know that in 1866 the Methodist Episcopal Church, South 
had already conducted a school in the building for one school year. 
At the Conference of 1866 the Board of Education reported: 

We, your Committee are happy to state that Corvallis College under 
the direction of Rev. W. A. Finley, A.B. as its President, is in a 
prosperous condition, there being at this time over one hundred pupils 
in attendance with the flattering prospect that the Institution will this 
year be more than self-sustaining. During the past year the college was 
as successful as its most sanguine friends anticipated. 3 

Two years later the same Committee reported: 

The fact that the Corvallis College has been in successful operation 
for three years is a guarantee to the people that the Institution is 
permanent. 4 

New articles of incorporation, filed on August 22, 1868, stated 
a valuation of $5,000. 

Immediately upon the acquisition of this property or upon the 
beginning of this enterprise, a teaching staff was secured with Rev. 
W. A. Finley as President and Professor Armstrong as assistant. 

The new college was popular from the start, drawing patronage 
from Oregon, Washington, Idaho and California. In the fall of 
1867 the Rev. Joseph Emery, A.M. was elected Professor of Mathe- 
matics to succeed Professor Armstrong. Emery was connected with 
the school for many years. Because of the shortage of preparatory 
schools throughout the West, few students could be admitted to the 
college, hence a demand arose for a preparatory department. Ac- 
cordingly in 1868 W. W. Moreland was elected Principal of the 
Preparatory Department of Corvallis College. 5 

Because the success of the school, with its gratifying enrollment, 
made larger quarters imperative; and because the stability of the 
school required an endowment, the Conference took action to secure 
these two important additions. It passed the following resolutions: 



. . . Resolved 1st., That we will raise twenty thousand dollars as an 

Endowment Fund, for Corvallis College, the interest only to be used 

for the payment of teachers. 

Resolved, 2nd. That we will raise $5,000 to be used by the Trustees 

for enlarging the College buildings. 

Resolved, 3rd. That in raising the Endowment the Agent be instructed 

to take notes bearing ten per cent interest, the interest to be paid 

annually, the principle to be retained by the giver of the note — a 

definite time to be fixed when the principle shall be paid — the time 

left to the discretion of the Agent. 6 

Rev. B. F. Burch was appointed as Agent to raise these funds. 

At about this time the Agricultural College of the State of Oregon 
came into being as an Agricultural Department of Corvallis Col- 
lege. What the Legislature of Oregon in 1868 had temporarily des- 
ignated as the site, was finalized two years later when the law- 
makers permanently adopted Corvallis College as the Agricultural 
College of the State of Oregon. 

That brought a radically new phase into the story of Corvallis 
College. True, the Territorial Legislature of Oregon had, in 1853, 
provided for the establishing of a state university at Marysville, but 
nothing seems to have materialized at that time, or at that place. 
The legislature had provided that . . . 

James A. Bennett, John Trapp and Lucius Phelps be and they are 
hereby appointed and constituted a board of commissioners, for the 
construction of the territorial university at the town of Marysville, in 
the County of Benton, on such land as shall be donated for that pur- 
pose by Joseph E. Friendly. 7 

The college catalogue states that . . . 

While in its inception a private enterprise, the institution from the 
beginning served a public purpose. It was destined to become both a 
state college and one of the national "land-grant" institutions. 8 

The way in which the State Agricultural College became con- 
nected with the church-sponsored school, finally taking control, is a 
very interesting story indeed. 

The Agents of Corvallis College made this intriguing report to 
their Conference: 
Report of the Agricultural Department of Corvallis College 

The Legislature of the State of Oregon at its last session having per- 
manently located the Agricultural College for the State of Oregon in 
connection with Corvallis College, the Board of Trustees of said Col- 



lege met and appointed a Committee to solicit subscriptions for the 
purpose to the amount of $2,920. They have purchased 35 acres of land 
with improvements adjoining the City of Corvallis at the cost of $4,500 
payable in three annual installments. The first payment is to be made 
March 23rd, A.D. 1872, and the last March 23rd A.D. 1873. 

This land, with improvements is secured by deed to the Trustees for 
the use and benefit of Corvallis College. This department of the Col- 
lege has been organized as far as practicable. The whole number of 
students provided by law, were in attendance during the last Collegiate 
year and were instructed in the course of study pertaining to this de- 
partment of the College and to a limited extent in practical agriculture. 

It is the desire and intention of the Trustees to fully organize this 
department of the College, so as to meet all the requirements of the act 
of Congress providing for the establishment of said College, at the 
earliest practicable moment. 

For its success we ask your hearty and earnest cooperation. 

Respectfully submitted, 
B. F. Burch 
B. R. Baxter, Agents 9 

The indebtedness which had been assumed in the purchase of 
this farm for the use of the Agricultural Department of Corvallis 
College was soon paid off and the amount arising from tuition was 
sufficient to pay all the current expenses. But, it still was felt neces- 
sary to press for an ample endowment, as had been planned, and 
agents were given instructions to that end. 

When Corvallis College as designated as the State Agricultural 
College, certain changes were made in the organization. A Board of 
Regents was organized, to be selected partly by the Church and partly 
by the State. This Board of Regents was expected to select the 
faculty and conduct all matters connected with the Agricultural 
Department of the College without reference to the religious tenets 
of any Church. In fact, the members of the Board of Regents were 
themselves selected without regard to their membership in any 
church or in no church. 

Also, when Corvallis College was selected as the seat of the State 
Agricultural College, considerable sums of money came to the 
school from the sale of lands, with the result that the Agricultural 
Department was amply endowed. 

Things seemingly ran smoothly and to the satisfaction of all until 
about 1880. From then on it was necessary to defend the conduct 
of the school against criticisms that it was sectarian and not liberal 
enough in its teaching. In 1881 the Board of Education in its report 
to the Conference gave this reply to the critics: 


Educational institutions 

In this report we wish to correct the impression which has gone out, 
that some of the ministers of the Conference desire that the distinctive 
doctrines of our Church be taught in Corvallis College. This we be- 
lieve to be contrary to the desire or wish of any member of the Confer- 
ence. But, on the other hand, we believe that it is the duty of the 
Columbia Conference, the founder and guardian of Corvallis College, 
to see to it (in the language of the President of the Board of Trustees) 
that no Science falsely so-called shall be taught which contravenes any 
of the fundamental truths of our holy Christianity. 

We have examined the records and find that our College property 
transferred and deeded to us in due form as of Law, according to the 
Statute of the State of Oregon, and find it secured to us in fee simple 
for the use and benefit of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South. But 
we find difficulty and contradiction in the files of the incorporation 
franchise granted, by which and under which the Trustees of Corvallis 
College have assumed their functions and profess to act in all things 
pertaining to the duties of their position which they occupy in the 
Board. We are of the opinion that this irregularity will not invalidate 
or injure our title to the property. 

We would call attention to the fact that the Articles of Incorporation 
declare that this conference shall appoint the College Trustees and 
their successors at each succeeding session of the Conference. This has 
not been done. We recommend wise action of the Conference in refer- 
ence to this matter. 10 

Two years later this feeling of discontent and criticism flared 
into an open and definite attempt to sever the connection between 
Corvallis College and the State Agricultural College. A petition, 
signed by G. B. Smith, J. R. Bailey, John Burnett and others, asked 
that the Agricultural College be separated from Corvallis College. 

The strange phase of this matter is not that there was criticism of 
the Church and a demand that the Agricultural Department should 
be separated from Corvallis College, but that the State should have in 
the first place located their Agricultural College in connection with 
a church-related institution. Such action as that of the Conference 
of 1874 requiring that students, even in the Agricultural Department, 
conform to the rules of the College regarding church attendance on 
the Sabbath Day, could not but be irritating to those who did not 
have a religious background. On that occasion the Conference 
adopted the following stand on this matter: 

. . . We regard the government and discipline of any Institutions of 
learning under the care and control of the Church as essentially de- 
fective in which the students are not required to attend upon the 
ministry of the Word of Life, and the worship of God on the holy 



Sabbath Day, but are left free to roam where their inclination may lead 

We hereby respectfully request the Faculty of Corvallis College to en- 
force the rule adopted by the Legislature of the State for the Agricul- 
tural Department touching this subject, and to demerit all students who 
neglect or refuse to comply with the rule, as for offenses. 11 

There is little doubt that the Church's interpretation of 'Science 
falsely so-called" would seem inconsistent with academic freedom 
as understood by some educators and probably by the signers of 
the petition for separation. Whatever led to the petition for separa- 
tion, the Conference interpreted the reason to be the difference 
between the Church and the secular mind, stating, 

... we think we see clearly in the petition their objection. It resolves 
itself into one word, the Church. . . . 

And they replied to the petition by adopting the report of the 
Board of Education, a part of which we quote: 

The Church accepted the trust in good faith and determined to show 
her appreciation by so conducting the institution as to merit and com- 
mand the approbation and support of the entire State; teaching only 
literature, agriculture and good morals and conforming to the law both 
of the State and National Legislatures in its government and manage- 
ment. Hence members were introduced into her Board of Regents for 
her management without any reference either to their politics or reli- 
gion; expecting the Board to have the same object in view in the 
selection of the faculty and the general management of the institution; 
allowing no money to be used only in accordance with law; and giving 
all parties and religions an equal interest in its benefits. And we believe 
that these requirements have been faithfully executed. 12 

The report went on to show the results that would probably 
follow from such a separation and to call attention to the fact that 
other states which had established their Agricultural Colleges in 
connection with church-related colleges had been successful. It sum- 
med up defiantly: 

In conclusion, while we respect the opinions of the petitioners, fidelity 
to the State, which, as the petitioners themselves set forth, has seen fit 
to permanently entrust this great interest to our care — a trust which we 
have accepted and sealed by solemn compact — as well as fidelity to the 
donors of the farm for this department of their institution, forbids that 
we comply with the prayer of the petitioners. 



At the very Conference at which this report was adopted and the 
above mentioned petition rejected, a man was appointed as Agent 
for Corvallis College who brought about the very thing which the 
petitioners had asked and more. Unintentionally, no doubt, he 
really caused the destruction of the College and the separation of 
the Agricultural Department therefrom. 

A year after this agent was appointed the Conference adopted 
the following startling declaration: 

We endorse the action of the Board of Trustees in tendering the 

Agricultural College Farm to the State. As a Church we have never 

claimed this property, as has been charged. 

We hereby recommend the names of the following Committee to see 

that these instructions be carried out at the coming session of the 

Legislature: Hon. R. S. Strahn, J. R. G. [N] Bell and Supt. E. B. 


Therefore be it resolved: 

First, That the Board of Regents of Corvallis Ag. College be 

and are hereby urged to raise $25,000 in money or bona 
fide subscriptions for the erection of a College building on 
College farm on or before the next session of the Legisla- 

. . . Second, That in the event this amount cannot be raised, the 
Board of Regents in hereby directed to ask the Legisla- 
ture of the State at its next session to dissolve the com- 
pact now existing between the Board of Regents of 
Corvallis College and the State of Oregon — to take effect 
at the close of the present scholastic year, June 1885. 13 

It is hard to understand and much more difficult to explain how 
such a resolution could have been adopted by the Conference. It 
must have been mesmerized, or bereft of its senses to adopt such a 
report. The resolution not only renounced all claim to the College 
farm, though they had solicited funds and paid for it, but, specifically, 
the statement made continued connection with the Agricultural 
Department of the College dependent upon the success of their Agent 
in raising $25,000 for a new College building before the next ses- 
sion of the Legislature. Too late, the Conference bitterly repented 
its action. 

It is not strange that there should have been strong undercurrents 
of displeasure in the Conference regarding the weak surrender to 
the demands of the petitioners. A year later this discontent, to- 
gether with an awakened realization as to what it had done, resulted 



in adoption by the Conference, Sept. 10, 1885 of a resolution rescind- 
ing and declaring null and void its action of Sept. 13, 1884. 14 

The proponents of the separation of the Agricultural Department 
from Corvallis College had been prompt in seizing the opportunity 
presented by the 1884 resolution. The "Building Association of 
Corvallis" proceeded to erect a building on the College Farm, 
though they were notified by the Executive Committee of the Col- 
lege not to do so. The building was completed and turned over to 
the State and accepted by the Governor. Also, a "so-called State 
Board" assumed control of the Agricultural College. They elected 
a full faculty and attempted to control the funds of the institution. 
A suit was instituted to settle the conflicting claims. To meet the 
situation the College authorities proposed a "joint-occupancy," 
which would agree upon the same faculty pending the outcome of 
the matter, either in the courts or in the legislature. 15 

The fiasco by which the Conference so weakly surrendered con- 
trol of the Agricultural Department of Corvallis College to the 
State, was explained by the Conference in its petition to the Legisla- 
ture in 1886: 

At the Annual Session of the Conference of 1884 action was taken 
looking toward the improvement of the College by the erection of ad- 
ditional buildings, and an Agent was appointed to collect funds for 
that purpose, who was an influential member of the Conference, but, 
as was afterward discovered, this Conference action by its terms was un- 
wise, loos[e]ly guarded and placed in jeopardy the very life of the 
College, by making the condition of its relation to the State to de- 
pend upon the success of its agent, which action was unanimously 
rescinded in the fall of the year 1885. But meanwhile in four months 
after the appointment of the Agent, on or about the 28th of fanuary 
1885, there was held a called meeting of the college Board of Regents, 
at which a bare quorum of seven members were present out of a full 
board of nineteen members, at which called meeting a resolution was 
passed by a vote of four in the affirmative and three in the negative, 
tendering the endowment of the College and control of said Agricul- 
tural Department back to the State. And which was accordingly ac- 
cepted by the act entitled — An Act to confirm the location of the 
Agricultural College at Corvallis in Benton County, Oregon and pro- 
vide for the maintenance and good government thereof. ... so that 
through his active influence with the Church, with the Legislature, 
and with the Board of Regents of which he was a member, the Agent 
of the Conference had in less than a year destroyed the life and founda- 
tion of the institution he was appointed by the Conference specially to 
strengthen and conserve. 

In view of the above-cited history of this tender of the Board of 
Regents of the College endowment back to the State, the Columbia 



Conference most respectfully petitions the Legislative Assembly of 
Oregon to reconsider its action at its last session and to leave the con- 
trol and endowment of the said Agricultural Department as heretofore 
with us as a part of Corvallis College. 16 

As we have seen, the legislature did not heed this petition. Instead 
a suit was instituted for possession and control of the property. 
Though the Conference contested the claim of the State in the 
Circuit Court, the Court decided in favor of the State, thus vesting 
title to the property in the State of Oregon. On appeal by the Con- 
ference to the State Supreme Court, the highest tribunal reversed 
the decision and gave the ownership of the property to the Meth- 
odist Episcopal Church, South. 17 

During the time when this suit was pending the work of the 
school had to be suspended. Actually, the work of Corvallis College 
was ended so far as the Agricultural Department was concerned. 
The State, having constructed its own building and selected its own 
faculty, there was nothing for the Church school to do but to with- 
draw from that field and concentrate on that part of the college 
which had been its own before the State offered to participate in 
a joint enterprise. In 1889 the Board of Education reported to the 

Corvallis College still maintains her autonomy despite the efforts of 
her adversaries. The report of the President shows a rather gratifying 
state of things considering the severe ordeal through which we are 
passing. Arrangements have been made for opening the school in the 
old building under favorable auspices. The prospect for attendance 
is encouraging and though we shall be greatly crippled in our work 
by want of funds, yet we are glad to be able to do something toward 
conserving the important interests of our College. 

The old College buildings were in need of repairs and additions 
if the school were to go forward. Therefore, at the Conference of 
1889, the Board of Trustees of the College was authorized to expend 
whatever amount was found necessary to furnish the College as a 
boarding school and to make whatever other improvements were 
needed for the running of the institution "provided that the amount 
expended did not exceed $1,000." 

In the communication of 1888, the Conference had demanded 
that in case the Agricultural Department and its endowment were 
taken from them, a proper indemnification should be made; and 
they further authorized the Trustees of the College to make what- 



ever settlement with the State in their judgment was for the best 
interests of all concerned. 

The conclusion of the matter is not stated in any record of the 
Conference. Whatever settlement was made seems to have dragged 
out considerably, for in 1892 the Board of Education reported: 

Owing to unfortunate circumstances, beyond our control, the school 
has not been in operation the past year. The property, located in the 
very center of the town of Corvallis, is worth about $8,000 — but, at 
present, it is encumbered with a small debt of $600, upon which we are 
paying interest. 18 

The location involved was the original 1865 site of the College. 

After the College had operated as a boarding school for about six 
years with more or less success, in 1896 the Board of Education re- 

The College property of our church at Corvallis has ceased to be used 
for educational purposes and is held by the Trustees as property of the 

P. A. Moses, Chairman 
T. Thomas, Secretary 

The next year the Board of Education wrote a sad ending: 

We regret to be compelled to state that we have no school of any grade 
within our bounds, either belonging to the church, or in any way con- 
nected with us as a people . . . 

Resolved, that this Conference take action at once looking to the 
permanent establishing of a school somewhere within our bounds to be 
the property of the church and the school of this Conference. 

P. A. Moses, Chairman 
T. Thomas, Secretary 19 

At the closing of the College, the building was in such good re- 
pair that the chapel was used by the Church for its religious services. 
The rooms heretofore used as a residence for the President, were 
now occupied by the Pastor of the M. E. Church, South, and the 
dormitory rooms were in demand by students of the State Agricul- 
tural College — rented and supervised by the resident minister of 
the Church. 

The Columbia Conference in 1896 gave the local church Trustees 
authority to sell two lots for the church and to use the proceeds to- 
ward the erection of a new sanctuary. The college building was torn 
down and the lumber was used for the building of two parsonages; 



one for the Pastor of the church and one for the Presiding Elder of 
the District. 20 


When it became evident that Corvallis College was approaching 
its end, the Conference began casting about for some means to 
carry on a program of higher education under the auspices of the 
church. Action was taken in 1888 looking to the establishment of a 
high school, at least, in each District of the Conference. A resolu- 
tion was passed encouraging each Presiding Elder to look for oppor- 
tunities to carry the purpose into effect. At the very Conference 
session at which authorization was given to furnish Corvallis Col- 
lege as a boarding school, the following resolution was passed: 

We recommend further that the Conference do all in its power to 
foster and develop the high school already established at Weston on the 
Washington District and the others which may hereafter be established 
on other districts, in accordance with the action of the Conference of 
last year. 21 

What came of this tentative attempt to organize a church-sponsored 
school at Weston is not clear. Evidently it was not successful, for 
no report was given the Conference later than the note in the 
Journal of 1889, and no other school of a similar nature seems to 
have been established elsewhere in the Conference. Each year the 
report of the Committee on Education mentioned the fact that the 
Church had no school and asked prayers for accomplishment of 
that purpose. 

In the spring of 1900, Rev. J. C. Thomas, Presiding Elder of the 
Pendleton District and Rev. E. P. Greene, Pastor of the M. E. 
Church, South, at Walla Walla, were walking along the street in 
Milton. Passing by the building which had been used by the Ad- 
ventists for their school, but which was at this time standing idle, 
they discussed the possibility of opening and maintaining in the 
structure an institution of higher learning in the name of their 
church. The story goes that they knelt right there, in the lee of the 
building, and prayed about the matter. At least they sought divine 
guidance and help and also decided to seek the help of the heads of 
the Church. 

Mr. Pemberton, to whom we are indebted for this information, 
goes on to say that these men immediately communicated with the 
Board of Education and with the Board of Church Extension of 



the denomination. Receiving their endorsement of the project, pro- 
vided the city of Milton would contribute the amount necessary for 
the purchase of the property, they immediately began solicitation for 
the necessary funds. By the time the Conference met in the fall, 
Rev. Greene had raised the necessary funds for the purchase of the 
property and had secured possession. Furthermore, pledges were se- 
cured for amounts necessary to repair the building and to furnish 
it. Also, a Board of Trustees was elected, a faculty was engaged, and 
all necessary preparations were made for opening the school in the 
fall of 1901. Rev. Greene was named Financial Secretary and Rev. 
Thomas G. Riese was elected President. Under the management of 
these men, we are told the college flourished; and the school was in- 
corporated January 19, 1905. Further steps were taken to place the 
institution on a firm financial basis. 23 

But the Conference Journal gave somewhat too rosy a picture. 
Like many other accounts of achievement, it touched only on the 
high points and did not give us a glimpse of the struggles and frustra- 
tions, or the lapse of time, all of Avhich must be taken into account 
if we are to get a true picture. And it did not quite represent the 
facts when it gave the impression that two ministers, seeing an 
abandoned building, came instantaneously to the conclusion that this 
might be the answer to the prayers of the Conference and thus sud- 
denly and unexpectedly brought the matter to the attention of the 
Boards of the Conference and the Church. 

On the contrary, as early as 1896 the Conference had begun 
negotiations with the Adventists for the purchase of this property. 
In the fall of that year the Board of Education reported to the Con- 

The Board endeavored at the opening of the present Conference year 
to purchase the school property of the Adventists at Milton, Oregon, 
for which they asked $5,000. Subscriptions for the purchase of the same 
were taken for $1,400, but not being able to meet the entire amount, 
the enterprise is for the present abandoned. 

There is a depression financial upon our people that seems to hedge 
up our way, at the present, as a Board, to do anything in opening a 
school within the bounds of our Conference. We deplore the fact that 
we have no institution of learning under the auspices of our church. 24 

We are not questioning the date for the beginning of the school. 
It had its beginning with the fall term of 1900. The evidence for 
that is contained in a report of the Board of Education at the Con- 
ference of 1901. 



We are extremely gratified at the prosperous condition of our college 
during its first year's history. It has surpassed our most sanguine hopes. 

One hundred and thirty-six students were enrolled in all departments, 
and six teachers employed. 

We are assured that the school has a strong hold on Milton and the 
surrounding country. 

By a report from the Board of Trust we are informed that there re- 
mains to be raised of the original $5,000 fund the sum of $610. 25 

The "firm financial basis" mentioned by Mr. Pemberton was that 
of an endowment which was planned very soon after the purchase 
price for the property had been raised. An endowment of at least 
$10,000 was undertaken sometime before the fall of 1902. 

Of course, in launching the educational venture, certain changes 
had to be made. Improvements cost money and some indebtedness 
had to be incurred to make them. At the Conference of 1906, the 
Board of Education, though gratified at the outlook for Columbia 
College, expressed concern over indebtedness of $1,932, over half 
of which was not covered by pledges. 26 

Rev. H. S. Shangle, who was to be so intimately related to this 
school for so many years, was elected to the Board of Trust at this 
Conference of 1906. At that time the school listed College and 
Academic departments with a total of 106 students. 

A campaign to erase the debt did not quite reach its goal, but it 
did succeed in putting $8,000 into an Endowment Fund. And, in 
1907 a campaign was launched to raise $100,000. The plan was to 
apply $17,000 to augment the $8,000 already set aside and to use 
the remainder for the purchase of property for the campus and for 
the erection of buildings. Rev. H. S. Shangle was appointed Financial 
Agent to raise this fund. 

That was a task which, it was well understood, could not be com- 
pleted in a brief time. Evidently it was carried out with commendable 
diligence and success, for a year later the Board of Education re- 
ported: "We rejoice at the prospect of enlargement and improve- 
ment of Columbia College under the efficient work of H. S. Shangle, 

On September 23, 1908 the name of Columbia College was of- 
ficially changed to Columbia Junior College. This was an appropriate 
change, for the courses taught were of no higher standing than those 
taught during the first two years of the standard college course. 27 



Rev. Shangle labored unremittingly to put the school on a firm 
financial basis and to build up the facilities of the institution in all 
respects. His work received the unqualified endorsement of the 
Board of Trust of Columbia Junior College and the Board of Edu- 
cation of the Conference. The response throughout the Conference 
was gratifying, and the Agent was continued in his position until 
the program was completed. The history of the enterprise is best 
told in his own words, as recorded in his annual reports to the Con- 

In 1909 he wrote: 

Present resources for new buildings and equipment $37,400. . . 

The curriculum of the school has been modified and the school year 
lengthened to nine months, so as to conform to the requirements of the 
Carnegie Foundation, thus enabling us to correlate with the leading 
schools of the country. 

The College is on a safer basis and the outlook is more promising than 
at any other time during its nine years' existence. . . . 

A lovely campus has been agreed upon, purchased and paid for, plans 
by a competent architect accepted. We expect to let the contract at an 
early day. . . 

The spirit of our people toward the school is most commendable, and 
a great inspiration to those who toil night and day for its success. . . 

Thus we see how God is opening up the way for the accomplishment 
of this great work, which did not at first appear. He is putting it into 
the hearts of his people to invest their money in living men and women, 
where it will continually draw interest for the building up of this 
mighty civilization of which we are a part, and which had made us 
under God, what we are today. . . 

H. S. Shangle, Financial Secretary. 28 

Two years later, in 1911, he wrote: 

Since my last report one year ago, we have completed the new Admin- 
istration Building, and put in complete heating plant in the Dormitory. 
The campus has been graded and seeded, cement walks laid, and the 
whole property put in splendid shape. Our main building now ranks 
among the handsomest School edifices in the State, and our School 
property is all that any Church need ask for in the Northwest. One 
exception alone to this statement. Our laboratory is not yet equipped. 
This must be done at once. The value of our College property, includ- 
ing the endowment fund of $8,489.00 is now estimated at $75,000.00. 

He reported an indebtedness of $13,509.00, however, and this debt, 
as is so often the case, was a little disturbing — not so much because of 



its size, as from the fact that those who were ultimately responsible 
were not disturbed thereby. 29 

In 1912 Rev. Shangle made his final report and resigned. 

Four years ago I was appointed Financial Secretary of this College and 
my duties were defined to raise money to build an Administration 
building, which has since materialized into the splendid structure we 
now have. I was instructed to raise, if possible, twenty-five thousand 
dollars for this purpose. It seemed an impossibility, but the effort was 
begun and continued in faith and prayer. The whole amount sub- 
scribed to date, as secured by me, from June 1st, 1908 to August 28, 
1912, totals 156,599.71. This does not include several hundred dollars 
in specials, which went into the General Fund for current ex- 
penses. . . . 

Although it was stipulated that my work should be confined to en- 
largement purposes, my labors have been about equally divided be- 
tween this work and other duties connected with the management of 
the School. For this service I shall have received up to September 1, 
1912, for the four years, the sum of $3,200.00. Out of this amount I 
have paid all my traveling and other expenses connected with the 
conduct of the campaign in the patronizing Conferences. Such results 
at such small cost could not have been possible except for the fact 
that I had other work in connection with it. . . 

And now that my task is done, for which I was appointed four years 
ago, and as my field of labor will be in another part of the Church, 
I hereby tender my resignation as Financial Secretary, to take effect at 
this Conference. 30 

Four vears later, in 1916, H. S. Shangle was elected President of 
Columbia Junior College. He served in that capacity for eight years. 
At the same time he was to serve as Financial Agent for the College, 
and the confident expectation was that it should continue to grow 
and prosper. 

At this time there was talk of the union of the different branches 
of the Methodist Church; and at the Conference at which Rev. 
Shangle was appointed to the presidency of the institution, the Board 
of Education expressed its conception of the place which Columbia 
College held and was destined to hold in the system of educational in- 
stitutions of a united Methodism. A $100,000 endowment drive was 
authorized. 31 

The unification of Methodism, which was envisioned by the Com- 
mittee when they made this report, did not materialize for nearly a 
quarter of a century. Two years after President Shangle began rais- 
ing the $100,000 for endowment, only $35,000 had been subscribed. 
A part of this was called "temporary endowment" — an amount sub- 



scribed but not yet paid in, only the interest upon which was re- 
ceived year by year at 6%. The total amount of interest thus paid 
in during the year was $1,278.55 and total receipts for the year were 
$14,959.80. At that time 154 students were .enrolled, 47 boys and 
107 girls. World War I was cutting into the ranks of the young men 
who would normally have enrolled in the school. The faculty num- 
bered ten. 

In 1921 the Board of Trustees decided to raise the grade of the 
Junior College to that of a full standardized college, though Presi- 
dent Shangle had warned them that he doubted if they could meet 
the financial demands of such a change; and furthermore, the consent 
of the General Board of Education at Nashville had to be obtained. 
Consent was forthcoming, however, and the school was officially a 
full College. The next year, 1922, President Shangle reported a 
deficit of $8,845. Not all of this was because of the changed standard 
of the school, but partly because additonal land had been purchased, 
a dormitory built, equipment provided and certain repairs made. 32 

Again in the succeeding year, President Shangle expressed his con- 
cern over the financial situation. In spite of the fact that the enroll- 
ment was the largest in the history of the institution, 161, the deficit 
increased to $10,144.50, in the form of notes at the First National 
Bank of Milton. He made an ominous statement in his report: "This 
must be paid at an early date if the school is to continue its work the 
coming year." 

Rev. Shangle's concern was echoed by the Board of Missions of the 
Conference. It expressed itself wishfully regarding a plan under 
which the General Board of Education would be asked to liquidate 
$12,000 indebtedness while the General Board of Missions would 
assume some control. 33 The proposed arrangement did not ma- 
terialize, however, in spite of a personal visit by President Shangle to 
the Board of Education at Nashville in May, 1923. He laid the whole 
case before it frankly and declared to it that the school could 
not continue for another year without additional help. Some further 
help was given, but not enough. With increasing costs for teachers' 
salaries, and necessary repairs, the situation worsened instead of im- 
proving; and when President Shangle appeared before the Board of 
Trust in May, 1924, he said; "Up to this time no provision has been 
made for the continuance of the school for the coming year." 34 
Nevertheless, Rev. Shangle was elected to continue as Financial Sec- 
retary of Columbia Junior College and is so listed among the appoint- 
ments of that year. It is significant that the office of President of 
Columbia College is not mentioned after 1923, 



Disaster struck the College on June 24, 1924 in the form of a fire 
that destroyed the girls' dormitory. The building and its contents 
were insured for $9,600, however. There was damage also to the Ad- 
ministration building and the boys' dormitory, for which insurance 
was paid. With these insurance payments, the indebtedness at the 
bank was reduced to $3,500 and all other indebtedness, with minor 
exceptions, was wiped out. But the school was so greatly crippled that 
it did not attempt to continue. The work of the Financial Secretary, 
or Agent, was to collect the funds due and to close up the affairs of 
the College. 

At the Conference of 1925 Rev. Shangle, as the Financial Secretary 
of Columbia College, reported all obligations against the school paid, 
the remaining buildings in good repair and the property, thus free 
from all encumbrance, valued at $70,500. With this report he com- 
pleted his work, having served the school as Trustee, Financial Sec- 
retary, or President, for almost the entire length of life of the in- 
stitution. He was at this Conference appointed Presiding Elder of the 
Portland District. 

The College was now definitely closed and it awaited only the dis- 
posal of the property. In 1926 the Board of Trustees recommended 
sale to the city of Milton to further local ambitions for location of 
a state normal school at that place. 35 That plan was followed and the 
property was sold to the city for $19,000. After the necessary expenses 
of the sale were paid, the balance was distributed to the various con- 
tributors who had given of their means to build, equip, and maintain 
the school through the years. 

The story of Columbia College would be incomplete without a 
few words about the man who, more than any other, built up and 
made a success of this school, Rev. H. S. Shangle. He began his min- 
istry in southwest Missouri in 1882, but came to Oregon in 1890 and 
served the rest of his ministry in the West, as Pastor, Presiding Elder, 
Financial Secretary or Agent of Columbia Junior College, President 
of the College, Director of the Superannuates Endowment, etc., until 
1938 — an active ministry of 56 years. Many times he imperiled his 
life in the service of Church and the Kingdom of God. He was a 
typical Circuit Rider in the ministry of the M. E. Church, South, in 
Oregon and Washington. He lived to see the union which he had 
predicted between his own church and the Methodist Episcopal 
Church, which also honors his memory. 36 


Chapter XII 
Oregon Methodism and Good Literature 

CLOSELY related to the desire to supply the advantages of an 
education to the youth of this new country was the interest in 
seeing that all the people were supplied with wholesome literature, 
not only religious, but secular as well. American Methodism had, 
from the start, appreciated the importance of the press. And Oregon 
Methodism, cut off from the literature with which it had been 
familiar in the east, saw almost from the beginning the importance 
of the distribution of books, tracts and periodical literature. 

John Wesley had been a prolific writer of books, and tracts; and 
he translated many worthwhile books from foreign languages which 
he made available to his Methodist Societies — not only religious 
books, but much other wholesome literature. And, not content with 
this, he established the Arminian Magazine, one of the earliest reli- 
gious magazines in existence. Furthermore, he designed that his 
preachers should be active in spreading this literature among the 
people. To his itinerant preachers he said, "Carry books with you on 
every round. Leave no stone unturned in this work. See that every 
society is supplied with books, some of which should be in every 

Wesley was not motivated by any thought of profit to himself, for 
church literature was sold at a price that barely paid for the print- 
ing. And if any of his preachers remonstrated that they did not have 
money with which to buy books, they were told that, if they were 
diligent in spreading books among their constituents, they would 
themselves have access to them. 

Since the lav preachers of early Methodism were all too often 
poorly educated, W T esley insisted that they should read good books 
and become educated. If they did not wish to do this, they should 
go back to secular occupations from which they came. 

It must be remembered that the Methodist ministry, which has 
often been disparaged as unfavorable to learning, has carried out one 
of the most effective programs of enlightenment in the land. Method- 
ist ministers have not only established and maintained the greatest 
religious publishing house in the world, but they have been salesmen 
for religious writing and have scattered good literature everywhere 
over their widely extended circuits. When visiting in pioneer days, 



they were oftentimes as eagerly awaited for the literature which they 
brought as for the sermons which they preached. 

Of course, all the literature which was distributed in Oregon in 
the pioneer period had to be brought from eastern publishing houses. 
This was true not only of religious tracts, but of secular publications 
as well, until the time of William Roberts. When the Oregon Specta- 
tor was established at Oregon City in 1846, the year before Robert's 
arrival, it was only a semi-monthly periodical which "became chiefly 
useful as a vehicle for the dissemination of the laws and acts of the 
Provisional Government." And, for a considerable time, what news 
it did contain was at least six months old when it was published, 
and was obtained from papers brought over by chance sailing vessels 
or through fur company correspondence and mail which arrived 
once or twice a year overland from Canada, or by the annual vessel 
from England. So scarce was the information thus conveyed, so scarce 
any news from abroad, that it was as eagerly read as though the events 
had just transpired. 1 

Shipments of literature "around the horn" were not only slow, 
but frequently lost, broken into or damaged. Consequently, Sunday 
School literature which frequently contained lessons or stories with 
continuity, was sometimes exasperatingly disconnected. Sunday 
School supplies were sent in great boxes, which were sometimes 
opened; but this was the only source of materials that must last over 
many weeks. The supplies, of course, had to be distributed at the Sun- 
day Schools a week at a time, just as though they had been freshly re- 
ceived from the publishers. 

William Roberts explained to the Mission Board the Method of 
distributing the literature: 

I greatly desire to have a lot of books more immediately suitable for 
presents. In the name of the lambs of Christ's flocks let me ask you 
to select and send such as will be sufficient for the pockets and saddle- 
bags of six or eight Itinerants who have but few opportunities of seeing 
the children except when we go from cabin to cabin in our regular 
appointments and pastoral visits. 2 

These "six or eight Itinerants" were his entire preaching force. 

To the Circuit Rider of Old Oregon, saddlebags were a regular 
part of the equipment for his work. They were his brief case, his 
overnight bag and general purpose utility receptacle. In them he 
carried his supply of books, papers and tracts to distribute to his 
parishioners. And sometimes the saddlebags might be pressed into 
service to carry a supply of oats for his horse, or a "donation" from 



one of his parishioners on his homeward journey. The saddlebags, as 
the name implied, hung from the saddle, or they might be slung 
across the saddle in front of the rider, making a convenient pocket or 
pair of pockets in which to carry any article to which the rider 
might want to have ready access. 

In a situation with so many delays and frustrations, it is not 
strange that there began to be a feeling that something better in 
the way of a supply of literature on the West Coast was a necessity. 
Hence, at the second session of the Oregon and California Mission 
Conference in 1850, a resolution Avas presented by Alvin Waller, and 
seconded by David Leslie that the Conference take immediate steps 
to set up a Book Concern and printing establishment to be located 
at Salem, under the supervision of the Conference. The resolution 
was adopted and a committee of three was appointed to carry out 
its provisions. 

At the same time, newspapers appeared to succeed the Oregon 
Spectator — the short lived Milwaukie Western Star, the Portland 
Oregonian and the Salem Oregon Statesman (1851) , but no religious 
periodical was published on the west coast before the time of the 
organization of the Oregon Annual Conference. To meet that need 
in 1850, however, every Methodist preacher was charged with the 
responsibility of taking subscriptions for periodicals published by his 
church in the East, and of making collections. 3 

The circulation of the Bible was also one of the specific responsi- 
bilities of the preachers during this period. In 1851 they formed the 
Oregon Bible Society. It was to cooperate with the American Bible 
Society to establish central Bible depositories in various parts of the 
territory from which the ministers of the Conference could get sup- 
plies in their endeavors to supply the people with copies of the 
Bible. 4 By the "Oregon Bible Society" nothing more seems to have 
been meant than the Committee on "Bible Cause," which was raised 
in 1849, consisting in that year of David Leslie and J. H. Wilbur. 

At the session of 1851, William Roberts, Alvin Waller and David 
Leslie were an appointed committee to assume responsibility for 
receiving stocks of books from the Book Concern. And the Book 
Concern was requested to appoint A. F. Waller as Book Agent for 
the Oregon Territory. That, of course, was no full-time job. He was 
the regularly appointed Pastor at Salem. Indeed, all the preachers 
were to cooperate in the work, for the Conference went on record 

That we each and all, do hereby pledge our Christian fidelity and 
ministerial honor to use all possible efforts to circulate said books 



and all others the book agents in New York may forward to their agent 

here, and that so far as thus able, we will save them from loss. 5 

How well the arrangement worked out does not appear from the 
records, but it evidently was expected to be a temporary expedient. 
Indeed, according to the resolution of 1850, the plan was intended 
merely as a stop-gap. Clearly, however, it was a step forward in the 
plan to establish a religious printing house and a book depository on 
the Pacific Coast. To this end they had formed a determination as 
early as 1849. Though they could not foresee all the difficulties, nor 
just how rapidly these would materialize, they were men of large 
vision and great courage, keenly aware of the rapid progress of settle- 
ment on the west coast. 

At the next session of the Conference, in 1852, they took another 
courageous step forward. They . . . 

Resolved, That in view of the destitution of religious periodicals and 
the rapid increase of the population of this Territory, it is the opinion 
of this Conference that the time has fully come when we would make 
a vigorous move toward the publication of a religious paper. 6 

Though they had not settled upon the name for the proposed pub- 
lication, the details as to its nature nor the time of its establishment, 
in 1850 they had determined upon Salem as the proper place. They 
meant the time to be soon. To this end they appointed a committee to 
confer with the Missionary Board in New York and to solicit their 
help in the enterprise. 

In view of the fact that in 1850 there were but 393 members of 
the Methodist Church in Oregon and in 1851 but 558 members, plus 
214 probationers, the undertaking was audacious. A handful of 
preachers were taking upon themselves a responsibility which they 
would find difficult if not impossible to support without heroic effort 
and self-sacrifice. But these men were of heroic mould. They dared 
great things because they had faith in their cause and faith in the 
future of Oregon and of the Church of tomorrow. Whether or not 
they would have launched the undertaking if they had seen the dif- 
ficulties ahead, it is safe to say that if they had also foreseen their 
victory over the difficulties, they would have gone into the struggle 
with even more confidence. 

At first (1850), their thought seemed to comprehend a purely 
Conference project. Failing in that, an official denominational paper 
was planned. Naturally, establishment of a religious publication and 
a book depository could not materialize over night. Those outcomes 



involved negotiation, the action of the General Conference and the 
cooperation of the Book Concern and the Board of Missions. There- 
fore, it is not surprising that five or six years elapsed before The 
Pacific Christian Advocate was established. 

Finally negotiations were completed, favorable action of the Gen- 
eral Conference was secured and in 1855 the preachers of the Oregon 
Annual Conference began to solicit subscriptions for the new 
periodical which would soon make its appearance. They pledged 
themselves to present the first number to members of their congrega- 
tions at their first rounds on their circuits, and to solicit subscrip- 
tions. The paper did not yet have a name or a place of publication, 
though Salem was suggested. The first number, which they were to 
show to their congregations and for which they were soliciting sub- 
scriptions, was, of course, published in New York. 

At the Conference of 1856 the further step was taken of appointing 
Thomas H. Pearne Editor of what was now to be known as The 
Pacific Christian Advocate. The management of the paper was not 
entirely in the hands of local people, however. The periodical was an 
official paper of the Church and under the control of the Book 
Agents in New York; therefore the men of the Conference did not 
have the authority to set the subscription price. The price having 
been set at $3.50 per year, the Preachers found it difficult to get the 
necessary subscriptions and had to petition the Book Agents to lower 
the rate to $3.00. 7 The Publishing Committee of The Pacific Christian 
Advocate was also instructed to make a survey of the desires of 
patrons and of other factors and report to the Book Agents in New 
York regarding their conclusions as to the proper place of publica- 

The cooperation of the entire Conference was deemed necessary 
for the successful launching of this enterprise and the Conference did 
pledge its utmost efforts to increase the subscription list of The 
Pacific Christian Advocate to two thousand by the first of January, 

In view of the fact that there were very few other publications of 
any kind available to the people of Oregon at the time, it may not 
seem so strange that the preachers could set a goal for subscribers to 
The Pacific Christian Advocate at considerably more than the total 
membership of the Methodist Church in the territory. In 1856 there 
were only 1,839 Methodist church members (not families) in what is 
now Oregon and Washington. The Oregonian was published at Port- 
land; the Statesman at Oregon City, later Salem; and the Argus, also 
at Oregon City. For a time other little papers appeared, such as one 



at Milwaukee in 1850, which were something like Chamber of Com- 
merce publicity circulars. But there was no publication similar to The 
Pacific Christian Advocate. That religious periodical was also to be 
a newspaper of a sort. It was to carry a certain amount of news as a 
service to Methodists and their constituents throughout the whole 
western territory. It was another fifteen years before any other reli- 
gious periodical was to appear in the territory. 

The Pacific Christian Advocate was first published at Salem, as 
had been originally intended. It was moved to Portland in 1858 or 
1859, as authorized at the Conference of 1858. Probably the actual 
move did not take place until 1859. The path of the paper was strewn 
with thorns and rocks and almost insurmountable obstacles. Its story 
will be followed in more detail after we note the other developments 
that were taking place in the effort of the Church to spread good 
literature among the people. 

The circulation of the Bible had always been a matter of impor- 
tance in the Conference; and a regular Committee on the Bible Cause 
had been named from year to year from the very beginning of the 
Oregon and California Mission Conference. The Committee co- 
operated closely with the American Bible Society and gave to its 
agents every opportunity to visit the churches. Pastors took collections 
regularly for the Society, and did what they could to see to it that 
every family within a parish was supplied with a Bible. 

So important did the Conference consider the matter of distribu- 
tion of the Bible that Levi C. Phillips was appointed to oversee this 
work for the Conference years of 1854-1857. At the time of his ap- 
pointment he was a young man, a probationer of one year's standing, 
from the Wyoming Conference. He served in this capacity for one 
year after admission to full membership. At the same time he served 
as the Agent for the American Bible Society and was probably paid 
his salary by that Society. 

Following L. C. Phillips as full-time Agent for the American Bible 
Society was William Roberts, who served from 1857 to 1863. Then 
there was a gap of five years when no member of the Oregon Confer- 
ence was appointed to the task, the work of the Bible Society evi- 
dently being carried on by others. In 1867 another prominent mem- 
ber of the Oregon Conference, Isaac D. Driver, was appointed to that 
position, serving for five years. Then G. W. Roork was named to the 
office for one year. The standing of those holding the position in- 
dicates that the appointment was no sinecure, nor a place for a worn 
out or ineffective preacher. It was a full-time job for an active man in 
the full possession of his powers. Because of this recognized im- 



portance, the Conference furnished good men, some of its best, to 
spread abroad the sacred Scriptures. 

The Book Depository, which the Conference in 1852 had peti- 
tioned the Book Agents to establish in Oregon, was authorized at 
the same time as the establishment of The Pacific Christian Advocate. 
The men of the Conference pledged themselves to do their best to 
obtain as wide a circulation as possible for the books and periodicals 
of the church. Indeed, for many years there was a very close relation- 
ship between the Advocate and the Book Depository. Upon the estab- 
lishment of the two enterprises, the Editor of the Advocate and the 
Book Agent in charge of the Book Depository, were one and the 
same: Thomas H. Pearne. 

In 1858 it was decided to remove The Pacific Christian Advocate 
and the Book Depository to Portland, as advised by the Publishing 
Committee of the Advocate. Search was made for a suitable lot on 
which to erect a fireproof building, which was to be the property of 
the M. E. Church, not of the Oregon Conference. Thomas H. 
Pearne was named as the person to carry out the enterprise. 8 

How long the editor of the Advocate was also charged with the 
responsibility of administering the Book Depository does not appear 
in the official Journal, but it is probable that the two jobs were soon 
separated. However, the Advocates were under the supervision and 
Control of the Book Committee of the M. E. Church, just as were 
the Book Rooms and Book Depositories. And as late as 1917 the busi- 
ness of the Advocate and that of the Book Room, or Sales Room, at 
Portland, were reported to the General Conference together. 

Though the Portland Book Room was not made a full-fledged 
Depository until 1928, the task of editing the paper was sufficient to 
take the full time of the Editor. The Book Room also soon became 
a full time job for a man, and gradually grew into a business that re- 
quired the services of more than one person. In 1917 the Book Com- 
mittee reported to the General Conference that the Sales Room at 
Portland, including the business of The Pacific Christian Advocate, 
had done a business which was growing rapidly and in the three 
previous years had done, in round numbers, $25,000, $42,000 and 
$57,000 of business. It added: "If this growth continues it will not 
be many years before it will have a larger business than some of our 
older depositories." 9 

For many years the preachers and the churches from the Pacific 
Northwest bought their supplies for the Sunday School and books for 
the preachers themselves from the Book Room in Portland, or some- 
times from the Book Depository in San Francisco. Even before the 



establishment of the Depository in Portland, there was a considerable 
non-Methodist constituency for the Methodist Book Concern through 
the Portland Sales Room. In 1928 the General Conference made the 
Portland Sales Room a full-fledged Depository and the business 
greatly increased, not only among its Methodist constituency, but 
among patrons generally. 

Another method of spreading good literature among the people 
of Oregon by the Methodist Church was the distribution of tracts. 
Many of the Methodist preachers followed John Wesley's example 
in delivering a message on some particular subject by means of inex- 
pensive tracts. William Roberts resorted to the same method in com- 
batting such evils as intemperance, gambling and false theological 
teaching. He encouraged his preachers to distribute tracts among 
their people as they went about with their saddlebags full of litera- 

Not only were the Pastors encouraged to distribute tracts, but the 
same year that The Pacific Christian Advocate was established a 
Tract Agent was appointed to give his time to the work and to dis- 
tribution of other literature which was deemed important in advanc- 
ing the Kingdom of God. The action of the Conference regarding 
this matter was remarkable for the adoption of a report so long as to 
be illuminating Avith respect to their estimate of the importance of 
this work. We can quote only in part: 

The same imperative necessity for prompt, united and vigorous action, 
exists, as at any former time; there is the same obligation to furnish 
the people with instruction, and knowledge; the same destitution in 
respect to religious books; the same tendency to supply their place with 
either the vile, the worthless, the skeptical, or at least, the Christless 
literature of the age . . . 10 

This resolution of eight recommendations was adopted by the 
Conference and J. W. Hines was appointed Tract Agent. Rev. Hines 
had transferred to the Oregon Conference from the Genesee Confer- 
ence two years previously and had served as Pastor on the Calapooia 
Circuit during those two years. He served one year only as Tract 
Agent under this arrangement, however, and then was appointed to 
Albany and Lebanon as the pastor of that circuit. 

It was not an easy matter to find a person to do the work of a 
Tract Agent. No one was appointed to the task to succeed Rev. Hines, 
nor for five years thereafter. But the Conference was convinced of 
the importance of the work and felt that the spread of good literature 
by a special agent was so much needed that they would gladly have 



done what they could to support the cause. There were great difficul- 
ties in the way: for one thing the books were costly and hard to ob- 
tain; and, besides, there was difficulty enough in finding enough men 
to fill the pulpits of the churches. Accordingly, in 1859 the Confer- 
ence regretfully discontinued the office of Special Agent for the 
Tract Cause in the Conference. 

In 1862, however, William Royal was given the Tract Cause ap- 
pointment and continued it for six years. He came to Oregon in 1853, 
bringing with him his three sons, Thomas F. Royal, James H. B. 
Royal and Jason Lee Royal and a daughter, Mary Elizabeth. The first 
two of his sons became prominent members of the Oregon Confer- 
ence and the daughter became the wife of John Flinn, another out- 
standing member. 

William Royal was in impaired health when he came to Oregon, 
but he gave 17 years of service in the ministry after arriving here. 
Some of that time he was officially Superannuated and a part of that 
time he was appointed to the "Portland Mission." His biographer 
says, "He was probably the first person to be what is now styled a 'So- 
cial Service Worker.' " It is not appropriate to this narrative to trace 
his work as the originator of the Centenary Methodist Church in 
Portland, nor his work as the Chaplain of the Oregon State Prison. 
But, as his biographer further states, "He cared for the sailors, met 
the emigrants as they came by covered wagon and by boat or on 
foot." According to his own statement, "I have begged for and sup- 
plied the wants in some measure of thousands of persons in Port- 
land." Such was the work of the "Tract Agent" as he conceived it; but 
it was not exactly what the Conference had in mind. It is significant 
that the appointment of a Tract Agent was never renewed. 

We return to the difficulties which beset the path of The Pacific 
Christian Advocate. It had no more than started when its troubles 
began to loom up ominously. At the very Conference at which it 
was announced that the Publishing Committee of The Pacific Chris- 
tian Advocate had recommended the building of a fire-proof build- 
ing in Portland and the removal of its publication to that city, 
a premonitory note was delivered to the Conference by that Com- 

Shall the paper drag out a miserable existence and finally go down 
to oblivion? Or, shall we content ourselves to give a barely continued 
existence? . . . 

To increase the number of property-paying subscribers to two or 
three thousand, would be to give vitality to the concern and (other 



things being equal) make the paper mighty for good, a terror to evil 
doers and a praise to those that do well . . . 

The present state of the finances of the paper, as exhibited in the re- 
port of the Publishing Committee, presents the startling fact that 
$2,816.11 are needed at once to pay past arrearages; that the editor has 
either nothing for his services, or if he has received anything, he has 
been under the necessity of paying it out, . . . 

From all the circumstances of the case, the committee beg leave to sub- 
mit the following resolution: 

Resolved: That it is the imperative duty of all preachers of this Confer- 
ence on reaching their fields of labor, to present the claims of the Ad- 
vocate; secure as many subscribers as possible; collect, as far as possible 
all dues, and in every practicable way, promote its interests. 

Resolved, that the Presiding Elders present the wants of the paper at 
each quarterly meeting, and as far as possible collect and forward 
monies to the editor. 

Resolved, that we agree to be personally responsible for all papers 
ordered by us for subscribers. 12 

It would seem, however, that with all the urging and all the re- 
solving, the financial condition of the Advocate did not materially 
improve. At the end of the year many of the creditors had not been 
paid, the editor was still unpaid — $3,702.31 having been accumulated 
as over-due on his salary. In fact the balance sheet showed $591.59 
more in liabilities than in assets. It might have been said that The 
Pacific Christian Advocate was bankrupt and the case hopeless. But 
the men of the Oregon Conference were not the kind to give up 
easily. They determined to continue. The Committee on Christian 
Advocate gave a "fighting speech" in their report to Conference; a 
part of which we quote: 

We need the Pacific Christian Advocate. We are all impressed with a 
sense of its importance of our work . . . We wish to see it live and 
flourish. . . . 

... Its great want is patronage in the form of reliable paying sub- 
scribers . . . One simultaneous and manly exertion on the part of the 
brethren is what we want. Let none stand back. 13 

If the Advocate had not been partially supported by a subsidy from 
the Book Concern it probably could not have survived. The Confer- 
ence had set the goal of 2,000 subscribers at the outset, but had 
reached only 1,586 by 1861, of which one hundred were free papers 
and exchanges. But it was a powerful voice in the cause of justice and 



human rights and in support of the Government in its endeavors to 
do what was believed to be right. During the dark days of the Civil 
War it was a stabilizing influence and fearless spokesman for the 
Union cause. At the Conference of 1861, at the begining of that tragic 
conflict, the influence of the Christian Advocate was shown in signifi- 
cant resolutions: 

... we hold it \The Pacific Cliristian Advocate] to be an indispensable 
instrumentality to the prosperity of the church and the conservation 
of every good principle and work within the bounds of this confer- 

3. Resolved, That we cordially endorse and commend the fearless 
position of the editor upon the great crisis now agitating our nation 
and threatening its very existence. 14 

It was inevitable that the question of slavery should be discussed 
in the Advocate; and it is significant that a very strong report and 
resolution on the issue, passed by the Conference of 1859 should 
have been signed by the editor of The Pacific Christian Advocate 
as the Chairman of the Committee on this matter. He was a con- 
ference leader whose opinions were respected. However, when 
the editorship passed from Thomas H. Pearne to H. C. Benson, it 
was not because of the stand the former had taken on slavery or the 
Union cause. 

The importance which the church leaders attached to good litera- 
ture in its ministry to the people was indicated by the Committee on 
Periodicals and Church Literature: 

With our present resources we cannot reach all the people with the 
living ministry, but we can furnish a substitute in the form of our 
church papers. 15 

In 1880, The Pacific Christian Advocate entered upon a new phase 
of its existence. It became more nearly a locally sponsored and 
managed enterprise than it had ever been, except for a brief phase 
at its very beginning. Though it had been begun as a Conference en- 
terprise, before it had gotten started it came under the sponsorship 
and control of the General Conference through the Book Committee. 
But now it was decided to subsidize the paper only, and allow the 
Conference, or conferences, to control it. 

The initiative for this move seems to have come from the Columbia 
River Conference, but was concurred in at the 1879 sessions of the 
Oregon Conference. Then, in 1880, the General Conference donated 



its interests, and directed the agents of the Book Concern to transfer 
to the Publishing Committee of the Oregon and the Columbia River 
Conferences all its material assets, such as the building where the 
paper was published, type and fixtures. But the subsidy, which had 
been so essential in the past, was continued. 

The subscriptions to the Advocate had diminished to such an ex- 
tent before 1880 that serious consideration was given to the possibility 
of discontinuance. The situation was set forth in the report of a 
Committee on The Pacific Christian Advocate to the Conference of 
that year, a part of which we quote: 

The Columbia River Conference, at its last session, took action on the 
matter of publishing the Advocate, and the Oregon Conference is 
recommended to concur with them in the following particulars: 

1st. That we recommend the creation of a joint commission of nine, . . . 

2nd . . . we . . . recommend for your approval, the Rev. Harvey K. 
Hines, ... to fill the editorial chair, . . . 

3rd. That we will earnestly and cordially labor for the success of the 
paper . . . 16 

The Oregon Conference accepted the suggestion of the Columbia 
River Conference and appointed its members of the joint commis- 
sion. And upon the convening of the commission they promptly 
elected Rev. Harvey K. Hines to the editorship of The Pacific Chris- 
tian Advocate. 

Harvey K. Hines had served in the Oregon Annual Conference 
from its organization in 1853 to 1873, when he was transferred with 
The Dalles District to the newly organized Eastern Oregon and 
Washington Conference as the presiding Elder of his District. Hence 
he was only coming back to familiar territory when he assumed the 
editorship of The Pacific Christian Advocate. The expectations of his 
friends were realized in the results, for the subscription list began to 
increase, so that at the end of his first year there were 1,555 paid sub- 
scriptions, a gain of 551, the Columbia River Conference having un- 
dertaken to increase the subscriptions from that Conference to 500. 
But the burden of the indebtedness under which it had been strug- 
gling was exceedingly troublesome. It took four years of hard labor 
to reach the goal which the Conference had set for itself at the very 
beginning of the enterprise, in 1856. Four years after Dr. Hines as- 
sumed the editorship, in 1884, the subscription list reached 2,007. 
Of these, only 1,869 were paid subscriptions, however, and there 
were 138 free and exchange subscriptions. For the first time, after 



four long years, the balance sheet showed an operating balance. 
There was still a considerable capital indebtedness. 

H. K. Hines served as editor of the Advocate from 1880 to 1888. 
During those years the paper grew in the number of subscriptions 
and in prestige, but in spite of the fact that the records, at the end 
of four years, showed a balanced budget, the cost of materials and 
labor soon wiped out the favorable condition. Frantic appeals were 
made in the Conference to increase the number of subscriptions and 
collect old indebtedness. 

Dr. Hines' work was well done, and no criticism is due him for the 
failure of the Advocate to attain full self-support. Upon leaving, the 
Conference expressed its appreciation. 17 Dr. W. S. Harrington was 
elected to succeed him as Editor, serving acceptably in this capacity 
until 1904, when he was succeeded by Dr. Daniel L. Rader. 

Since it is not the purpose of this chapter to give a complete history 
of The Pacific Christian Advocate, but only to relate the strenuous 
and self-sacrificing zeal with which the Church endeavored to supply 
good literature to its constituency, we will not go into greater detail 
in regard to the struggles and successes of the paper as such. Soon 
after Dr. Rader came to the editorship, an agitation began in favor 
of combining The Pacific Christian Advocate with The California 
Christian Advocate, or even of starting another official publication 
of the same, or similar nature in a part of the territory served by The 
Pacific Christian Advocate. The Committee on Books and Periodicals 
had to take a stand. They reported to the Conference opposing the 
innovation and proposing three resolutions: 

Resolved, I. That we advise and encourage the entire Methodism of 
the Pacific Northwest to the hearty endorsement of the Pacific Chris- 
tian Advocate as the one official Methodist Journal of the whole 
region of said territory. 

Resolved, II. That we most earnestly object to the consolidation of the 
Pacific Christian Advocate with that of the California Christian Ad- 
vocate, or with that of any other publication whatever. 

Resolved, III. That to the accomplishment of such an undertaking 
as the building up of the Pacific Christian Advocate into such official 
and efficient relation, we solemnly commit and pledge ourselves to as- 
sist therein by doing all therefor that in reason we may be able to per- 

Evidently the spectre of having the Advocate taken away from 
Oregon, or of having it split into several competing journals when 
it was impossible to support one adequately, aroused the Methodist 



constituency sufficiently to enable the same Committee to make a 
more optimistic report in 1908, proposing an increase in the size 
of the paper from 24 to 32 pages consequent to an enlarged sub- 
scription list of 1 0,000. 19 The size of the paper was increased; but the 
Conference did not succeed in reaching the goal of 10,000 sub- 
scribers. A year later there were but 8,000, an increase of only 500 
over what was reported by the Committee in 1908. Nevertheless, the 
Conference was still determined to press on toward that goal. Indeed, 
a new mark of 12,000 was set; and a reduction in the price of the 
Advocate to $1.00 per year in 1912 greatly stimulated the drive for 
new subscriptions. 20 Of course, the price of $1.00 per year for the 
Advocate could not be maintained for long, especially since the Con- 
ference did not reach its goal of 12,000 subscribers by January 1, 
1913; but the Editor, R. H. Hughes, gave assurance in 1917 that the 
subscription price would be only $1.50 for the year 1917-1918. 

Dr. Edward Laird Mills became the Editor of The Pacific Christian 
Advocate in 1920 and continued until the General Conference voted 
to discontinue all but two of the family of Advocates — one weekly 
religious publication to be known as The Christian Advocate and a 
paper for the Central Jurisdiction (Negro) to be known as The 
Central Christian Advocate. This change went into effect after the 
Unification of Methodism, at the General Conference of 1944. Thus 
The Pacific Christian Advocate ended a life span of 88 years, having 
made a very powerful contribution to the life of the whole Pacific 

During those 88 years The Pacific Christian Advocate was edited 
by ten men, all scholarly and able: Thomas H. Pearne, 1856-1864; 
H. C. Benson, 1864-1868; Isaac Dillon, 1868-1876; J. C. Acton, 1876- 
1880; Harvey K. Hines, 1880-1888; W. S. Harrington, 1888-1892; A. 
N. Fisher, 1892-1904; Daniel L. Rader, 1904-1911; Robert H. 
Hughes, 1911-1920; Edward Laird Mills, 1920-1943. 

In the meantime three German-language papers circulated among 
the German constituency: The Deutch Zeitung, founded in 1867; 
The Staats Zeitung, founded in 1877; and The Freie Presse, founded 
in 1885. Later, other German-language publications were circulated, 
including the Apologete, which was the official publication among 
the German Methodist Churches in the Pacific Northwest. 

The Methodist Episcopal Church, South, of course, had its own 
church paper, The Pacific Methodist Advocate. This periodical had 
practically the same relation to that branch of Methodism as that of 
the Pacific Christian Advocate to the Methodist Episcopal Church. 
However, upon the unification of Methodism all the corresponding 



publications of the Methodist Epicopal Church, South, were merged 
into the one Christian Advocate, just as were those of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church. 

From the very beginning the Methodist Church organized and 
conducted Sunday Schools in which the children and youth were 
given various kinds of literature, adapted to the various ages. Not 
only Biblical material, but much other wholesome reading matter 
was distributed. Only the Judge of all the earth knows what a tremen- 
dous amount of good has been accomplished by the Sunday School 
literature which has been liberally furnished. 

Another feature of the program of the Methodist Church, largely 
forgotten, has been the organized and officially encouraged mainte- 
nance, as far as possible, of a Sunday School library in every Methodist 
Church. So important did the library project seem, that the number 
of volumes was made a matter for the statistical report of the pastors 
from the beginning of the Oregon and California Mission Confer- 
ence in 1849 to the Conference in 1896. The number of books in the 
Sunday School libraries in 1849 was reported to be 699, gradually in- 
creasing until, during the Civil War (1863) , the total had risen to 
10,445. After that the number began to decrease gradually until, 
when the number of volumes ceased to be a matter of Conference 
report in 1896, the total dropped to 2,932. 

There are numerous Sunday School libraries in Methodist 
Churches to this day; but for all practical purposes, as an educational 
agency of the Sunday School, the library has become obsolete. 
Feeble attempts now occasionally made to revive the idea of a 
church library are inspired chiefly with the idea of accumulating a 
body of resource material for Sunday School and Church workers. 
The public library and the abundance of good literature that is so 
readily available to any person who is interested, have combined to 
reduce the importance of the church library. 


Chapter XIII 
Evangelism and Growth of the Church 

METHODISM is fundamentally an evangelistic movement. Fol- 
lowing many lines of activity, it has built up a very complex 
and comprehensive organization for its ministry, in the name of 
Christ, to millions of people, both at home and abroad. Though 
these ministrations take many forms, there is in them a unifying pur- 
pose: winning mankind and strengthening them in Christian faith. 
Like the Apostle Paul, the Methodist Church has "become all things 
to all men if by all means we may win some." 

John Wesley told his preachers, "You have nothing to do but to 
save souls." Their task was not simply to hold so many meetings, 
preach so many sermons and run so many activities, but to win men 
to Christ. If, under the pressure of such a multiplicity of duties 
as a modern church involves, the preacher of today sometimes forgets 
the primary purpose, we have but to call the lapse to his attention 
to find in him a ready response to his primary reason for being in the 

However, Wesley's ministry, too, was rather comprehensive. In the 
writing of some books, the translation of others, the dissemination of 
good literature, the initiation of schools, a rudimentary medical 
ministry, and in his interest in the social welfare of the people to 
whom he preached, he gave proof that he thought of "saving souls" 
as a rather broad ministry indeed. It was no narrow program of caring 
for the spirits of men while their bodies were ignored. 

When we speak of evangelism we usually have specific reference 
to those activities which have to do with winning people to Jesus 
Christ, and that is the sense of the treatment in this chapter. All 
the other ministrations are, in a sense, evangelism also, but the 
winning of men and women and boys and girls to Jesus Christ is the 
focal point of what is usually meant. Other activities, however worthy 
and necessary, are but implications and accompaniments of salvation. 

From the days of Jesus to the present, many methods of evangelism 
have been used. From time to time, some procedure which has been 
powerful seems, with changing conditions, to diminish in its effective- 
ness, while another little used mode of operating becomes successfully 
prevalent. There are devotees of each type of evangelism who seem 
only grudgingly to admit the genuineness of any other type or 
method but that with which they are familiar. 



A little reflection will make it plain that, as times and conditions 
change, methods of evangelism need to vary. And some who can use 
one method successfully, may not be able to employ other tactics to 
very good advantage. We need not discount any type or method, or 
cast aspersions against any evangelist. A study of the record will re- 
veal that the Methodist Church has been resourceful enough to use 
every known type and method of evangelism with greater or less suc- 
cess at some time during its history. Most of the time it has used 
several types simultaneously. 

Without going into a discussion of relative merits, we will enumer- 
ate the methods that have been used effectively by the Methodist 
Church in Oregon. They are: Camp Meetings, Revival Meetings, 
Personal Evangelism, Visitation Evangelism, and Educational Evan- 
gelism. The various types are closely related in practice and are often 
so intertwined that it is practically impossible to separate them. 

Jason Lee began the evangelistic work of the Methodist Church in 
Oregon when he preached the first sermon that was ever delivered 
in the whole Pacific Northwest, at Fort Hall, on July 27, 1834. He 
preached the first sermon at Fort Vancouver, also, in late September 
of that same year. In them, and in all other sermons which he 
preached, he exalted Christ and the Christian way of life, and urged 
his hearers to follow Him who is our Lord and Master. It has been 
said of him that "he had the prescience of a statesman and the zeal of 
an Apostle." 1 He preached among the French-Canadians on French 
Prairie. He preached among the Indans in various places. In 1843, he 
conducted the first camp meeting for white people ever held in 
Oregon. Elsewhere we outline in detail the Lee program of Chris- 
tianizing education. 

We linger with the Lees long enough, however, to discuss a notable 
activity. In 1839 and 1840, Daniel Lee and H. K. W. Perkins carried 
on a revival at The Dalles, among the Wasco Indians, which was a 
combination of Camp Meeting, Revival Meeting, and Visitation 
Evangelism. The missionaries carried on a revival meeting all winter 
with what was probably the greatest evangelistic success among the 
Indians that has ever been achieved in the territory. It is said that 
several hundred were converted and baptized. 

The work was not carried on exclusively as a preaching mission. 
The missionaries, especially Perkins, went "from house to house," 
or from long-house to long-house, interviewing the Indians. That 
procedure was carried on all up and down the river for a distance 
of approximately fifty miles. 2 

Harvey K. Hines is our best authority concerning a remarkable 



development. He lived and worked in the territory soon enough after 
the event to be able to give an authentic account. He tells us: 

During the winter of 1839-40 a wonderful religious excitement spread 
through this entire field. It began suddenly, even when Mr. Lee and 
Mr. Perkins were feeling much discouraged with the prospects of the 
work. But a little before many of the Indians were cherishing feelings 
of hostility toward the whites, and the missionaries even felt their 
lives in danger, and had bought several muskets and ammunition for 
their defence. Almost at the very outset the number of earnest inquirers 
was so great that all business was laid aside but that of teaching the 
way of life to those dark-minded Indian people. The largest rooms 
were crowded. 

The work extended for fifty miles up and down the Columbia River, 
and continued for many months; indeed until nearly all the Indians 
had been reached by it. Perhaps it reached its culmination at a camp 
meeting held near the mission house in October of 1841. . . . 

About 1200 Indians were in attendance. The meeting began on Mon- 
day and continued over the following Sabbath. The whole round of 
scripture truth was presented to the people. Many professed the new 
life. On Sabbath one hundred and fifty were baptized by Rev. Jason 
Lee; four or five hundred partook of the Sacrament of the Lord's Sup- 
per, amidst tokens of spiritual interest and appreciation often lacking 
in more cultured congregations. Probably when the meeting closed on 
Monday, and the Indians returned to their several homes, not less than 
five hundred were giving evidence of having passed from death to life, 
according to their best conception of the spiritual birth . . . 3 

The genuineness of this work has been a subject of considerable 
discussion. For the time being, it created a good deal of enthusiasm, 
and undoubtedly stimulated missionary giving for the Oregon Mis- 
sion when the news reached the eastern churches. But scarcely had 
the account been published than the Indians began to fall away. And 
we do know that Perkins became very discouraged, said that he had 
stayed in Oregon too long, and returned home. 

Some have seized upon the fact that the work was so soon dissolved, 
to discount largely the whole affair, saying that the Indians were ex- 
pecting material rewards for praying, and that when these failed to 
materialize according to their expectations, they concluded that it 
was of no use to pray. 4 But the critics failed to note the lasting effect 
upon the few who remained faithful. Neither did they take into ac- 
count the opposition of some white men who deliberately tried to 
undermine the influence of the Protestant missionaries. H. K. Hines 
had a more favorable report on the lasting effects of the work: 



". . . The writer believes they were mostly sincere and their experi- 
ence real. . ." 5 

However much truth there may be in the assertion that the work 
was superficial, it has been reliably recorded that the main cause of 
the dissatisfaction of the Indians was that the Jesuits poisoned the 
minds of the Indians by telling them that the Protestant missionaries 
were misleading them. That the counter influence was not an isolated 
instance of the undermining of Protestant work by the Catholics, is 
abundantly witnessed to by both Protestant missionaries and by the 
Catholic authorities themselves. 6 

Camp Meetings had been held from time to time since 1799 in 
the eastern states. The first Camp Meeting is said to have been held 
by two brothers, one a Methodist, and the other a Presbyterian minis- 
ter, John and William Magee, in Kentucky and Tennessee. They 
worked together, beginning in Tennessee and moving into various 
places in Kentucky. Seemingly, at first, the Presbyterians made 
larger use of the Camp Meetings than the Methodists. Both groups 
actively promoted the outdoor type of religious experiencing, often 
cooperating. When Jason Lee initiated the camp meeting in Oregon, 
therefore, it is not surprising that among those present, beside the 
Methodist ministers, should have been Rev. Harvey Clark, whom 
some list as a Presbyterian, though he was really a Congregational 
minister. Rev. Clark had worked harmoniously with the Methodists 
ever since coming to Oregon. The other Methodist ministers taking 
part in the 1843 meeting were A. F. Waller, David Leslie, Gustavus 
Hines, and H. K. W. Perkins. 

The famous rhapsodic gathering on the Tualatin Plains, not far 
from the present city of Hillsboro, began on July 13, 1843, with an 
attendance of only fourteen. Three days later, however, the interest 
had grown so much among the surrounding settlers that, on Sunday, 
July 16, there were sixty in attendance, including most of the white 
settlers of the Tualatin Valley. It is probable that there were at least 
a few Indians in attendance too, for some, at least, of the settlers had 
Indian wives. As it is reported, though nineteen of those present were 
not professing Christians, so effective was the preaching of Jason Lee 
and his associates that sixteen of them were converted, including 
Joe Meek. H. K. Hines said of that conversion: 

If subsequently he did not prove faithful to the purpose and profes- 
sion of that day, it marked the hallowed power that rested on the spot 
and people, and doubtless also the loftiest tide of spiritual life that 
ever touched the soul of J. L. Meek. 7 



How many of the sixteen that were converted on that Sunday in 
July, 1943 were Mountain Men like Joe Meek? Significantly the 
revival was held among the influential ex-trapper group. The Chris- 
tian movement in the Tualatin Valley got a great boost from the 
meeting. A religious organization in that area had been started the 
year before by Rev. J. S. Griffin when, on a Sunday in June, 1842, he 
had gathered together nine settlers near Hillsboro and formed a 
Congregational Church. Apparently Methodist work in the valley 
had its beginning at the camp meeting. 

Upon the organization of the Oregon and California Mission 
Conference, six years later, there were but five Pastoral appointments 
in the "Oregon District": Oregon City and Portland, Salem Circuit, 
Yamhill Circuit, Mary's River Circuit, and Astoria and Clatsop. The 
Tualatin Valley was at that time included in the Yamhill Circuit. 
At the next Conference (1850) there were but 393 church members 
on these circuits. Since, in 1850, there were 13,298 people in Oregon, 8 
Methodists were at this time a little less than 3% of the popula- 
tion. That was also a time of rapid transition in the secular life of 
Oregon. Gold had been discovered in California, and many were go- 
ing to the gold fields — men leaving their families in search of a for- 
tune. The situation of the Church was brightened, however, by the 
fact that population began coming, not only to California, but to 
Oregon as well, in increasing numbers. The influx, of course, pre- 
sented both an opportunity and a challenge to the Church. 

How many camp meetings were held among the settlers of Oregon 
after that initial camp meeting of 1843? We have no record, but in 
1851 one of them was conducted at the Belknap settlement, near the 
present village of Alpine, in Benton County. There were very few 
people in that valley in 1851; according to the government surveyor, 
in 1853 there were only about eighteen settlers in the township. 
But there was a large spring of fresh water, and a camp ground con- 
venient as a gathering place for the settlers from a large territory. 
Ketturah Belknap's Chronicle of a meeting held in 1851 has been 
published by Dr. Robert M. Gatke of Willamette University. She 

So, as we had always been in the habet of going to camp meetings 
every year we voted a campmeeting and appointed a committie to 
select the ground so after looking the country over they settled on the 
grove with the big spring on it on Orin Belknaps land, and now its 
June and its been given out all over the country that there will be a 
campmeeting in the Belknap neighborhood commencing on the 20 of 
June, eveybody invited to come prepared to camp and so it came to 



pass that many came some with whole familys and ox teams some on 
Horse back with their tent and Bedding packed on a poney. 

William Roberts, who at this time was Superintendent of the 
Oregon and California Mission Conference, was one of those who 
came on horseback. He came with his wife, each on a horse, leading 
a pony packed with their tent and blankets. As Mrs. Belknap says, 

they pitched a little tent had their bedding and Books and was right 
at home, they visited around and dined with the breathren, but when 
they wanted to rest they went to their own little tent where all was 
quiet . . . 

Continuing Mrs. Belknap's Chronicle: 

George and Ramsome Belknap had arranged to furnish meet for the 
campers so their was a fine small beef killed and quartred and hung 
up in the trees and all that wanted came and got with out money or 
without price . . . 

Mrs. Belknap rhapsodized about the services on Sunday: 

. . . Lovefeast at half past nine Preaching at eleven then Communion, 
then Baptisem of the babys, then dinner, that was short work made 
tea and coffey set the table and warmed up the chicken gravy and it 
was ready our cooking was all done on Saturday, for fruit we had 
dried Apples and peaches, they was shiped from the Sandwick Iselands 
and as nice as I ever saw, (I forgot to tell you that Brother Roberts 
Preached one of the finest Sermonds at Eleven . . . Bro Waller Bap- 
tised the Babys, Preaching a gain at 2 oclock . . . after the two oclock 
service we done up our work and took a little respit from our toils, 
them that was very warm in the cause went to some of the tents and 
Sang and Prayed and shouted till they was to mutch exhausted to help 
with the evening service, we had a day long to be remembered . . . 9 

No wonder it was at Belknap's that the Oregon District of the Oregon 
and California Mission Conference of 1852 voted to hold its next 
session. If the plan had gone through as voted, the Oregon Annual 
Conference would have held its organizing session at the Belknap 
Settlement camp ground. But before the set date arrived, Salem was 

From a very early date camp meetings were customary, rather 
than occasional affairs in Oregon Methodism. The Organizing Con- 
ference in 1853 went on record saying: 

... we will exert ourselves as far as practicable to sustain the Camp- 
meetings that are or may be appointed within the bounds of the Con- 
ference for the coming season. 10 



The camp-meetings themselves, however, were not conference- 
sponsored. They were initiated by individual churches, or by a 
group of churches, on their own responsibility. An illustration of this 
is the action of the Quarterly Conference of the Rock Creek Circuit 
on October 10, 1859, at which a committee, which had been ap- 
pointed some time before, reported that it had selected a 20 acre site, 
suitable for a camp ground, which could be purchased for $2.25 per 
acre. In accordance with the recommendation a "union camp 
ground" site was purchased. 11 Similar arrangements were made on a 
few other circuits; and that same year the Committee on Church 
Property reported six camp grounds valued at $8,000.00. There were 
at the same time 34 churches, or pastoral appointments, in the Con- 

The camp grounds, though they were deeded to the Methodist 
Episcopal Church the same as other church property, and reported to 
the Conference on the same basis, were not the property of the Con- 
ference any more than were the individual churches. Camp meetings 
were not conducted by the Conference, nor by any Committee of the 
Conference, as such, but by individual churches, or groups of 
churches, just as would have been the case with revival meetings. By 
1863, the sites for those outdoor inspirational gatherings within Con- 
ference limits had increased to eight, but valuations reported had 
dropped to $1,750 for the entire lot. 

Though the Conference took note of these camp meetings from 
time to time, it did not particularly exalt them. They were not in- 
tended as a substitute for evangelism in the individual churches. And 
no committee was appointed for many years after the organization 
of the Annual Conference to have charge of, or to encourage camp 
meetings. There was no Conference Committee on Evangelism and 
no specific report on the subject until 1873. It was merely taken for 
granted that every church should carry on a program of evangelism, 
and since every camp meeting was held for that purpose only, no spe- 
cial committee, commission, or board was needed. 

The decade from 1850 to 1860 was one of rapid expansion for 
Oregon. After gold was discovered in the Rogue River valley in the 
early '50's, settlement began in the valleys of the Rogue, the Umpqua 
and, soon after, on Coos Bay. Townsites were laid out and donation 
land claims were taken up by colonists over a wide area. The Indians 
along the Rogue, the Umpqua and on the coast, becoming hostile, 
had to be dealt with by the settlers and soldiery; and not until many 
lives had been lost on both sides was the difficulty settled. To add to 
the perplexing situation, the question of slavery became so intense 



throughout the whole nation that, though Oregon had no slaves, the 
effects were felt both in the church and in political life. 12 

A survey reveals that there were 39 church appointments in 1 859 — 
a gain of 34 in the ten years since the Oregon and California Mission 
Conference was organized. Church membership was reported at the 
next Conference, 1860, as 1,336, a gain of 240%. Since the popula- 
tion of Oregon in 1860 was 52,465, having nearly quadrupled during 
the decade, Ave note that the Church, in spite of its rapid strides, lost 
ground. Methodists constituted only 2.5% of the population, as com- 
pared with 3% in 1850. 

The decade from 1860 to 1870 was a troubled one indeed. It was 
the period of the Civil War, and of the Modoc War. Though there 
was a loss during that time of three Methodist pastoral appointments, 
membership increased from 1,336 to 2,867, or 114.59%. The popu- 
lation of Oregon grew from 52,465 to 90,923, or 73. 3%. 13 During 
the decade, the church grew faster on a percentage basis than the 
population. Methodists in 1870 were 3.16% of the population, about 
the same proportion as in 1850. Material growth of the church had 
been good, also. The total value of church property was $186,925, 
with but $9,146 of indebtedness. 

Though camp meetings were beginning to decline in their ef- 
fectiveness, the Conference still had no special committee on evan- 
gelism. An indication of the almost incidental nature of the camp 
meeting in the total program of the church is the brief mention in 
the report of P. M. Starr, Presiding Elder of the Eugene District in 
1872. He noted, "At some camp-meetings wonderful displays of 
Divine power were witnessed." Just that. No more. None of the 
other Presiding Elders even mentioned a camp meeting in their re- 
ports. And the next year, 1873, Rev. Starr merely commented, "The 
camp-meetings had been seasons of interest." During the last few 
years, the number of such gatherings had diminished to only six. But 
their value had increased slightly, improvement having been noted. 

It was not until 1874 that the camp-meeting assumed an official 
character as a conference-sponsored institution. In that year Rev. 
J. H. Roork was appointed "Financal Agent of the Conference 
Camp-meeting Association," serving for one year. Since no one was 
subsequently appointed to the place, it is assumed that the purpose 
for which he was selected was shortly accomplished. A 40 acre site 
was purchased for the Conference, afterward known as the Canby 
Camp Ground about a mile from that city, on the main line of the 
Oregon and California, later the Southern Pacific Railroad. A camp 
meeting program had, seemingly, already been in operation for sev- 



eral years before it came into the possession of the Conference. 

Management of camp meetings was, of course, under the direction 
of those who were most interested, and most active. After the Confer- 
ence Camp Meeting Avas organized, "It was ordered that Camp 
Meeting be held at Canby under the supervision of the Presiding 
Elders." 14 The next year, 1876, a standing committee on the 
"Oregon Conference Camp Ground" was named; and a special com- 
mittee consisting of P. M. Starr, J. Flinn, and S. Matthew, was to con- 
sider and report some plan by which the indebtedness of the camp 
ground at Canby might be liquidated. 15 

Strange as it may seem, report of the Committee on the Canby 
Camp Ground was published but one year, 1876. No accounting 
was given to the Conference as to the liquidation of the indebtedness, 
and no resume of the work of the camp meeting was ever made by a 
Presiding Elder. Though it was the one-and-only conference spon- 
sored camp meeting, it would seem that the Conference, as such, took 
little interest in the project. In 1880, those who were specially inter- 
ested in this sort of thing, mostly Methodists, banded themselves to- 
gether as an Association to take over and run the Canby enterprise 
without close Conference supervision. A resolution was adopted 
transferring title and liabilities to the new organization. 16 

During the decade 1870-1880, there was still no Committee or 
Board specifically charged with the responsibility of stimulating 
evangelism in the Conference. Yet, during that decade, the popula- 
tion of Oregon increased 92.2% while the Methodist membership 
increased but 4%, with the result that the church's percentage of 
the population was smaller than at any time since its founding — a 
mere 1.1%." 

Although a Methodist camp meeting was not ordinarily thought 
of as a popular resort, a place to spend an outing, a group around 
Puget Sound conceived the idea of attempting a combination of the 
summer resort with the camp meeting. Two hundred and fifty acres 
were purchased at Ocean Park, Washington Territory, by an As- 
sociation that had been formed for the purpose, having planned a 
place and a program which featured the advantages of recreation in 
a religious atmosphere. The Word of God was to be preached on the 
Sabbath, which was to be faithfully observed; there would be no 
intoxicating liquor, nor any of the evils which are so frequently 
found at summer resorts. What could be more ideal than a season 
of recreation by the seaside plus an old fashioned Methodist Camp 
Meeting? 18 

The 250 acres were laid out in lots which families could purchase 



as building sites for summer cottages. Liquor, Sabbath-breaking, and 
all the evils so prevalent in other places were to be strictly banned. 
Boating, bathing, fishing, hunting, and similar diversions to be en- 
joyed; and a suitable auditorium would be built in a beautiful pine 
grove to accommodate annual camp meeting services. The place was 
selected by a number of leading Methodists of the Puget Sound 
region, Portland and other places in Oregon and Washington Terri- 

Rev. Atwood, the Presiding Elder of the District, envisioned a reli- 
gious resort that would prove as useful to religion as the Chautauqua 
at Ocean Grove on the east coast was in its sphere. 19 Though the 
project did not develop as intended, it might well be considered the 
precursor of more recent Epworth League Institutes. 

The dedicatory services for the camp at Ocean Park were held 
July 26, 1883, with Rev. G. W. Izer, Pastor of the Taylor Street Meth- 
odist Church in Portland as the speaker. Other prominent ministers 
of the Oregon Conference were present: T. L. Jones, T. L. Sails, 
W. B. Osborn, Nehemiah Doane, Martin Judy and Dr. A. Atwood. 
It is notable that so many of those who were active in the Canby 
Camp Meeting Association were present at the dedication of the 
camp ground at Ocean Park. 

The decade from 1880 to 1890 saw a remarkable increase in Meth- 
odist church membership: from 2,980 members to 6,482, or almost 
118%. The population of the state of Oregon increased 81.8% dur- 
ing the same period. The Methodists in 1890 were slightly more than 
2% of the population as compared with 1.1% in 1880. 20 

During the decade from 1890 to 1900 the growth in church mem- 
bership continued, rising from 6,482 in 1890 to 10,286 in 1900, 
an increase of a little more than 58%. The population of the 
State in 1900 was 413,536, or an increase of 30.1%. Thus, the Meth- 
odist Church gained on population growth, being now almost 2.5% 
of the population, about equalling the proportion in 1860, but below 
that of 1850 and 1870. 21 The number of pastoral charges of the 
Methodist Church in Oregon also increased during that time from 
49 to 95, and the value of church property increased from $488,925 
to $569,325. 

The camp meeting at Canby was an annual helpful event. How- 
ever, increasing facilities for travel, growth of population and con- 
flicting attractions resulted in diminishing attendance. Consequently, 
the activity was not often mentioned at the Conference. The Report 
of the Canby Camp Meeting Association in 1904, however, should 
be recorded: 



This Association takes pleasure in reporting to the Conference that the 
beautiful grounds at Canby have been kept in good condition during 
the year. And be it ever remembered that here we have an excellent 
tabernacle for all public services, a boarding hall, a number of cottages, 
beautiful shade trees, splendid water, in fact everything to make this 
a delightful camping place, a splendid place for the people of God to 
meet once a year for the conversion of sinners, the sanctification of be- 
lievers and the spiritual edifying of the body of Christ. 

An excellent meeting was held this year. While the attendance was 
not large, it represented nine different counties, showing that the work 
was not altogether local. We are looking for greater things next year. 

Trustees were: M. C. Wire, J. T. Abbett, George Randall, Mrs. 
George Osborne, J. W. Exon, R. E. Dunlap and F. C. Thompson. 
The report was signed by T. L. Jones and J. H. Wood. 22 

Attendance grew smaller year by year until, in 1906, the Presiding 
Elder, B. F. Rowland, said of the camp meetings on his district: 

Two camp-meetings were held on the district, one at Canby, the other 
at Glad Tidings. Both were successful, and both were failures. They 
were successful in that those Christians who attended and participated 
in the meetings were inspired and uplifted by the delightful Christian 
fellowship and strengthened for future service. Both were practical 
failures so far as the original idea of camp meeting is concerned — the 
conversion of the unsaved. 23 

His report made the next year was in a similar vein: 

The camp meeting at Canby proved a blessing to the churches repre- 
sented. The unconverted attended only in small numbers. The in- 
stitution that served so well in the past greatly needs better adjust- 
ment to the demands of the present. 24 

However, the Association itself gave a much more optimistic report. 25 
From the vantage point of recent years, when the Methodists have 
sought for and purchased Institute grounds and summer camps, it 
does seem that the Methodist Church was lacking in vision when it 
let such property as the Canby Camp Ground slip away. But the tide 
was turning to the extent that the very next year, even the Canby 
Camp Meeting Association saw the decline and regretfully reported 
it to the Conference as a committee, not as an association. Confer- 
ence permission was sought for sale of the property and turning over 
the proceeds to the permanent fund for Conference Superannuates. 26 
So ended the most successful and longest sustained camp meeting 
sponsored by the Oregon Conference. Another ambitious attempt to 
sustain a camp meeting several years later, at Cottage Grove, will be 



recorded in the proper chronological setting. We must now comment 
on other types of evangelistic efforts. 

Every pastor was expected to be an evangelist to the limit of his 
ability. Though it was recognized that some were better adapted to 
this type of work than others, all were expected to do their best. At 
the Conference of 1907 three of its members were appointed Confer- 
ence Evangelists: G. H. Feese, W. T. Kerr, and C. M. Van Marter. 
The apparently novel designation, "Conference Evangelist," was not 
new in fact. In 1887 and in 1888, T. L. Jones had taken the su- 
pernumerary relation in the Conference, spending his entire time for 
those two very active years as a conference evangelist in fact, though 
not in name. During a part of that time his close friend, T. L. Sails, 
worked with him until an untimely death brought the partnership 
to an end. No record has been left us as to the results of their revival 
meetings, but the Presiding Elder mentioned with high praise their 
meetings at Ashland, Medford, Eugene and a number of other places: 
We know that a gracious revival resulted in many conversions, as 
many as 100 at one place, and that many additions to the church 
rolls were written in each church thus served. 

T. L. Jones, an unusually gifted pastor-evangelist, and a friend of 
the writer, has told us how he carried on the work. He held a week 
or two of meetings at each preaching appointment on his circuit, one 
after the other. During the Conference year, he held a revival in 
every church he served. For obvious reasons, T. L. Jones and T. L. 
Sails were prominent in the Camp Meeting movement and members 
of the Board of Trustees of the Canby Camp Meeting, and of the 
Camp Meeting Association. 

In 1907 three "Conference Evangelists" were appointed. They 
were the first of a list of 13 men who have served for a time in that 
capacity: C. M. Bryan (1898-1899, 1900-1901), C. M. Van Marter 
(1907-1913, a period of seven years), George H. Feese, 1907-1908 
(2 years), W. T. Kerr, 1907 (1 year), L. F. Smith, 1910, 1915-17, 
1919 (5 years) , Guy Fitch Phelps, 1910 (1 year) , D. A. Watters, 1911, 
1912 (2 years) ; L. F. Belknap, 1915 (1 year) , S. A. Danford, 1916, 
1925, 1927 (3 years) , G. L. Tufts, 1917 (1 year) , J. H. Ebert, 1920 
(1 year) , C. C. Rarick, 1922-24 (3 years) , J. J. Irvine, 1923 (1 year) . 
The men named above were all members of the Oregon Confer- 
ence, regarded as having gifts and graces which fitted them for re- 
vivalism. Lacking a subsidy from the Conference they were to re- 
ceive their support from the churches which they helped through 
revival meetings. Never assigned to churches as evangelists, they were 
invited by the several pastors, as wished. Nor were they required or 



expected to give the Conference any report of their work. However, 
being members of the Conference, they were under the same super- 
vision and review as other Methodist preachers. Between 1907 and 
1927, no Conference Evangelist was named in the list of appoint- 
ments. For the years 1918, 1919, 1921 and 1926 this was true. One 
Bishop, during this period, said, "I am going to appoint 120 evan- 
gelists to the churches of this Conference." 

It was a long-standing practice for ministers to call in neighboring 
pastors to help them in their revival meetings and then reciprocate. 
But usually every Pastor expected, as a regular part of the work of 
the year, either to hold a revival meeting himself, or in connection 
with some brother-pastor whom he regarded as gifted in soul win- 
ning. Designating certain men to specialize in evangelism facilitated 
the practice of calling in some outside help. Furthermore, there 
grew up a class of men who, though not Methodists, were most able 
and willing to help any church of any denomination with evangelistic 
work. Some Methodist ministers, also, did the same type of inter- 
denominational evangelism. The practice of calling in gifted spe- 
cialists became so common that in due time the whole work of 
evangelism was in danger of becoming professionalized. Individual 
churches, and sometimes groups of churches, united to put on great 
union meetings, each with a noted evangelist and a whole team of 
singers, musicians and personal workers. The early part of the 
twentieth century saw many such great union meetings featured by a 
high pressure type of mass evangelism combined with efficient or- 
ganization, expert financing and highly paid workers. Eventually, 
evangelism became so largely specialized and commercialized, that 
the average preacher felt quite helpless in trying to carry on any 
normal spreading of the good news in his parish. Clearly something 
must be done to restore evangelism to its rightful place in the work of 
the church and of the Methodist ministry. 

The problem was not one of Oregon Methodism alone. The whole 
denomination felt the changed conditions; and the need was for 
programs more effective than the great mass meeting which had 
all too often become programs of gathering great congregations of 
Christians from many churches, but not reaching the unsaved in any 
considerable number. Furthermore, the campaigns were too ex- 

In this situation, the General Conference of 1904, long before the 
trend toward great mass, commercialized evangelism had reached 
its height, passed legislation calling for a Commission on Aggressive 
Evangelism in each Conference. This Commission, consisting of the 



Presiding Elders, a minister and one layman from each district, was 
to cooperate with the General Conference Commission on Evan- 
gelism, which was to be headed by one of the Bishops. 

The Oregon Conference of that year took appropriate action, 

It is our firm conviction "that a non-evangelistic church will soon cease 
to be an evangelical church." In no other state or conference is there 
a more crying demand for a strong forward movement in soul saving, 
as shown by our slow growth, in spite of large imigration and the 
rapid growth of many communities. 27 

In church after church there had not been a single baptism nor a 
single accession to the membership of the church. In 1903-4, though 
there were 616 baptisms in the Conference as a whole, 31 charges 
reported none at all. Church membership for that year stood at 
11,611, a gain of 536 from the previous year; but in 1900 there was 
an actual reported loss of 3 members and in 1902 a loss of 43. It 
was surely high time that something be done to stimulate the evan- 
gelistic spirit in the Oregon Conference. 

To be sure, membership for the decade from 1890 to 1900 had 
increased; in fact, it had gained by 58.68%, while the population 
of the state had grown only a little over 30%. But the next few years 
were times of soul-searching for the Church. As a consequence of 
the 1904 report and the action of the General Conference, a Commis- 
sion on Aggressive Evangelism was appointed, headed by deeply in- 
terested men who reported annually until 1917. 

During the decade ending in 1910 the number of pastoral charges 
increased from 95 to 122, and the membership from 10,286 to 18,228, 
or a little more than 77%. During that same period the population 
increased 62.6%. The Methodists now numbered 2.7% of the popu- 
lation. Also, during that period, property values in the Oregon Con- 
ference increased from $569,325 in church and parsonage property, 
to $1,063,322, or more than 90%; and the indebtedness on church 
and parsonage property, to $1,063,322, or more than 90%; and the 
indebtedness on church and parsonage property decreased from 
$61,700 to $40,380. 

It is not surprising, therefore, that during the Conference of 1912, 
the Standing Committee on Aggressive Evangelism was inspired to 

With praises to Almighty God for the revival fires which have burned 
brightly within the bounds of our conference and for the large num- 



ber of souls which have been saved and added to the Church during 
the past year, ... we recommend: 

First: That an Annual Conference Commission consisting of one 
preacher from each District be nominated by the District Superintend- 
ents and elected by the Conference, said Commission to have full 
power to formulate and execute plans for evangelistic effort in keeping 
with the plans of the General Conference Commission. 

Second: That this Commission co-operate with the Committee on 
Conference Program in arranging for evangelistic meetings, and a 
school for training in evangelistic methods at our next Annual Con- 
ference . . . 28 

There had been 1,168 baptisms in the Conference during that year, 
just closed, an increase of 169 from the year before. There was also 
an increase of 1,230 in church membership) — from 19,626 to 20,856, 
or almost 7%. 

A number of notable evangelists, among them Billy Sunday and 
Gypsy Smith, were operating in various parts of the country as late 
as 1910. Great tabernacles were built, and the majority of the 
Protestant churches in cities such as Portland or Salem joined to- 
gether to put on great evangelistic campaigns. Many were converted 
who might not have been attracted to any local church effort. But 
critics discounted the exaggerated claims of even the most notable 
meetings, and pointed to the great expense of such a campaign. Those 
who defended meetings and methods pointed to the number of con- 
verts and said that the per capita cost of conversion was relatively low. 

But the expense of these great evangelistc campaigns was not the 
only disturbing factor. Free lance enterprisers owing no allegiance 
to any denomination, and under the control of none, became in- 
creasingly prevalent. All too often churches were embarrassed by 
evangelists whose remarks, if not in their sermons, at least in their off- 
the-cuff conversations, compelled Methodist pastors either to create 
scenes which would disrupt meetings, or submit to slurs, insults and 
undermining of the work which they had tried to do in their own 
churches. It is not strange, therefore, that the Committee on Aggres- 
sive Evangelism should have taken note of the unhealthy situation 
with regard to alien doctrines and unsafe evangelists, and the extreme 
methods which had begun to plague the churches. In their report 
of 1916 they said: 


We rejoice over the action of the last General Conference in the ex- 
tension of plans for inspiring the Church to a more earnest pastoral 
and personal evangelism. 



We have noted with interest that our preachers are putting a stronger 
emphasis on the old doctrines that have made Methodism famous as 
a soul saving church. 

We urge our Pastors to have a waste basket handy, with rare excep- 
tions, for many of the letters used as advanced agents of evangelistic 
parties; many leaders of such come as "angels of light," but prove to 
be nothing more than "Absoloms at the gate." 

We would advise against hasty recommendations of evangelists. It 
would be better to defer testimonials to be used in our church papers 
and in circulars, until after such time has elapsed for the probable re- 

We would urge the greatest possible caution against hyphenated re- 
ligionists of other denominations, who maliciously or otherwise intrude, 
and inject by testimony or exhortation, an unwholesome influence into 
the services of the church. We would sustain the same relation to these 
that a mother would sustain to a stranger who would enter the house 
and slap the children. 

We recommend that every Church lay siege against the forces of 
iniquity. We should be satisfied with nothing short of a breaking up 
of the fallow ground, and seeking the Lord until he rain righteous- 
ness upon the people. 

A perennial revival should be our ideal, and when special revival 
meetings are conducted, wherever possible it should be done with the 
pastor as his own evangelist. 

We look forward with delightful anticipation to a spiritual uplift 
through the year, and consequently an ingathering of many souls. 

J. S. GREEN 2» 

Worthy of note is the appointment of Dr. S. A. Danford as Confer- 
ence Evangelist and Chairman of the Committee on Aggressive Evan- 
gelism. As Pastor, District Superintendent, and Evangelist, he had 
been for many years an ardent promoter of revivals. When he was a 
District Superintendent he had staffed his District, as far as possible, 
with those who majored in evangelism. He was not always as careful 
as he might have been about other qualifications. 

It is interesting, and quite unaccountable, that in 1917 the Com- 
mittee on Evangelism, which had been one of the regular Confer- 
ence Committees since 1905, was dropped from the list of Boards, 
Commissions, and Committees. But a "Conference Evangelist" was 
appointed in the person of Dr. G. L. Tufts — a person, who though 
highly educated and a thoroughly good man, was utterly unqualified 
for the assignment. His appointment, however, was not responsible 



for the fact that that year's report on church membership showed a 
loss of 52 from the previous year. It is not likely that his services were 
called for by many of the brethren. Also, there had been an un- 
justifiable trimming of the rolls, for the list of non-resident members 
increased by 351. 

During the decade from 1910 to 1920, though the number of pas- 
toral charges increased to 133, church membership increased but 
slightly, from 18,228 to 21,188, or a little over 16%— about equalling, 
however, a 16.4% increase in population. During the two years of 
intensive Centenary stimulation (1918 and 1919) there was a loss 
of 1,690 members: in 1918, 808; 1919, 882. The Methodists in 1920 
numbered 2.6% of the population. Church and parsonage property 
had increased in value about 50% during this decade. 

In such a situation as we have just described, it was natural that 
someone in the Conference should agitate for some more organized 
evangelistic effort. Indeed, in the summer of 1921, an effort to return 
to the old-fashioned camp meeting was attempted on the Southern 
District under the leadership of S. A. Danford, who was then District 
Superintendent. The meeting was held at Cottage Grove, where the 
Methodist church was fully committed to the venture, and gave gen- 
erously, both of money and of talent, to make it a success. Also, peo- 
ple opened their homes for the entertainment of visiting preachers, 
much as they would have done for an annual Conference. 

At the Conference session, held about three months later, the fol- 
lowing resoluton was adopted: 

Whereas, There was held at Cottage Grove, Oregon, from July 11 to 
21 of this year a camp meeting under the direct supervision of Bishop 
William O. Shepard and the District Superintendents of the Oregon 
Conference; and, 

Whereas, a splendid spirit of intensive evangelism resulted, and as 
a direct outcome some three hundred conversions and twenty-five 
consecrations for life-service resulted, and a much-needed emphasis 
was given to some of the fundamental teachings of Methodism, 

Therefore, be it resolved, that we, the members of the Oregon Annual 
Conference in annual session assembled, do hereby authorize and 
create the Oregon Conference Camp Meeting Commission, to be com- 
posed of the Bishop of the Portland Area, the District Superintendents 
of the Oregon Conference Camp Meeting Commission, to be composed 
of the Bishop of the Portland Area, the District Superintendents of 
the Oregon Conference, and one minister and one layman from each 
district to which shall be submitted all details of organization and all 
offers of sites, and that said commission shall have full power to rep- 
resent the Oregon Conference. 30 



The Camp Meeting Commission, as thus set up, was composed of 
Bishop Wm. O. Shepard; W. W. Youngson, E. E. Gilbert, S. A. Dan- 
ford, District Superintendents; C. W. Huett, D. H. Leech, Thomas 
Acheson, ministers; and an equal number of laymen (who were to 
be selected by the laymen's organization) . Those laymen, as listed 
in the 1922 report, were: A. M. Hammer, Mrs. W. M. Erskine, and 
Dr. W. H. Pollard. At the 1922 Conference the Commission reported 
its search completed and announced that the permanent camp 
ground had been secured at Cottage Grove. 31 

The Camp Meeting was held each year in a large tent, rented 
for the purpose, which would hold approximately 1,000 people, seated 
on benches or in chairs. It was comfortable in nearly all weather that 
was encountered at the time of the year in which the meeting was 
held. But it was very inconvenient to assemble both tent and fixtures, 
ship the tent, and return lumber and chairs to those who had loaned 
them. Although a permanent tabernacle was dreamed of, the first 
three camp meetings had to be held in rented tents. 

At the conference of 1923 the Camp Meeting Commission reported 
enthusiastically. During ten days "one hundred souls were at the 
altar . . . Finances came very easily . . ." but the surplus was swept 
away. Nevertheless, hope was expressed that a tabernacle would be 
ready for the next meeting. 32 

Did the promoters of the Cottage Grove Camp Meeting have in 
mind the combining of a Camp Meeting with an Epworth League 
Institute? All we know is that, at that time, the Southern District 
had no site for its Institute, and that the motion to constitute a Camp 
Meeting Commission included the specification that those who com- 
posed the new group should be laymen from the Commission on 
Permanent Site for the Epworth League Institute. 33 Some of our 
sister denominations did, at that time at least, combine their camp 
meeting with their youth camps. And the Southern District Epworth 
League Institute, though not combined with the 1923 Camp Meet- 
ing, was held the following weeks in the same tent. The proposed 
tabernacle was erected as planned, mostly by volunteer labor, in time 
for the camp meeting of 1924. Some of the material was donated by 
local lumber mills; the rest of the cost was fully paid, with the result 
that the building was ready for dedication by Bishop Johnson. Dr. 
Ira M. Hargett of Kansas City was the special evangelist. 

In addition to the camp meeting program which was carried on 
under the auspices of the Camp Meeting Commission, 

The Conference of 1923 provided for a Conference-wide evangelistic 
campaign extending from January 1, 1924 to Easter. 34 



Through a great, program of Conference-wide Evangelism, over a 
full three month period, it was confidently expected that conversions 
and accessions would be many. However, at the end of the year, the 
reports of the pastors showed only 1 ,438 baptisms for the year, and 
29,828 members now on the roll, an increase of only 74 baptisms and 
155 active members over the previous year, for the entire Conference. 

Surprisingly, there was a decrease of 273 members on the Southern 
District, the Camp Meeting area. The Cottage Grove Church, how- 
ever, had increased consistently under the stimulus of the Camp 
Meeting, gaining 109 members in the four years, 1921-1924, or 39%. 
The Creswell church gained 40 members during the same period, or 
34%, but Springfield gained only 9 members, and Eugene seemingly 
was not influenced by the Camp Meeting at all, though numerous 
members of the two churches last named were enthusiastic supporters 
and regular attendants. In fact the Eugene Church actually dropped 
from 1,276 in 1921 to 1,107 in 1924, a loss of 13%. The apparent fall- 
ing off, however, was due to a revision of the rolls, and to the practice 
of putting on the non-resident list names of those who were no longer 
within the bounds of the local church. 

At the Conference of 1925 a Commission on Evangelism was 
raised, consisting of C. C. Rarick, S. J. Chaney, T. H. Temple, B. E. 
Parker, H. P. Pemberton, Charles McCaughey, and the District Su- 
perintendents. For two full quadrenniums there had been no such 
group on the list of Conference committees. The Commission now 
raised had approximately the same personnel as those listed as spon- 
sors of the resolution for a conference-wide evangelistic program in 
1923: From that time until 1929, both the new Commission on Evan- 
gelism and the Camp Meeting Commission were listed among the 
Conference commissions and committees. However, the Camp Meet- 
ing declined thereafter and gave no more reports to the Conference, 
while the Commission on Evangelism made statements only occasion- 

Such accounts as were given during those years reveal the great 
gap that exists between an awareness that something is wrong and 
that something must be done, and the soul-searching and renewal of 
consecration of sincere men who are too encumbered with a multi- 
tude of duties. The report of the Commission on Evangelism in 1927 
endorsed a resolution which had been passed by the District Super- 
intendents of the area, stating a first-things-first plea. 35 

Needless to say, the 1927 report with its attendant resolutions, was 
readily adopted by the Conference. During the year 1927-1928 there 
were 1,527 members received into the churches of the Conference on 



profession of faith, and 1,827 by transfer. The latter figure probably 
represented a mere exchange of members among the churches of the 
Conference which did not greatly affect the total membership. How- 
ever, deaths, transfers out, and revision of the rolls cut so deeply that 
the total net gain in membership was only 318. 

The Cottage Grove Camp Meeting came to a definite end in 1929. 
Attendance had dropped off considerably since the enthusiasm of 
Dr. Danford was removed at the end of his term as Superintendent 
of the District, and the burden of maintenance fell very heavily upon 
the Cottage Grove Methodist Church. Instead of being an advantage 
to the local organization, as it had been in earlier years, the camp 
meeting had now become such a financial strain that the spiritual 
stimulus of its yearly gatherings was largely wiped out. Therefore, 
even the local church was regretfully obliged to consent to closure 
and sale of the property. The District Superintendent, Dr. M. A. 
Marcy, called a meeting of the Camp Meeting Commission, which 
decided to close the activity, sell the property, and request Confer- 
ence to dismiss the Commission. 36 

For some years prior to 1928, a few churches had been experiment- 
ing with visitation evangelism. Rev. Guy Black had been for some 
years advocating this type of program in the local church, and some 
of the pastors had sent for his literature and had tried out his system 
with varying success. His method was a process of training laymen 
in personal evangelism and sending them out two by two to interview 
people in their homes in an attempt to win them for Christ and the 

In 1928 the Black method and program were officially sponsored 
by the Committee on Evangelism in its report to the Conference. 37 
However, the transition from camp-meeting and revival meeting 
evangelism, to personal evangelism through carefully prepared and 
systematically conducted programs of visitation was rather slow. In- 
deed, what was involved was not a mere matter of substitution, but 
rather a gradual lessening of the emphasis upon the one, and an in- 
creasing use of the other. Two years after this first emphasis upon 
visitation the Committee on Evangelism declared: 

... we commend every method that challenges men to face their rela- 
tionship to God. 

Reports show that at least 80 per cent of those received into member- 
ship on confession of faith came from the church school. This is the 
indication that early youth is the fruitful field of evangelism. We urge 
that diligent attention be given to our Sunday Schools, Epworth 
Leagues, and other organizations reaching youth as agencies for pro- 



ducing decisions for Christ and nurturing these decisions toward the 
fullness and stature of Christ. 

Revival effort and personal visitation campaign should be placed in 
the program of every church. . . . 38 

The decade from 1920 to 1930 was a good period for the Method- 
ist Church. The population of the State increased, during that period, 
from 783,389 to 953,786 or 21.75%, but Methodist church member- 
ship increased from 21,188 to 29,801 or 40.6%. The Methodists in 
1930 were 3.21% of the population of the State. It was also a time of 
great building activity for the Methodist Church. Value of Method- 
ist Church and parsonage property, and other assets of individual 
churches, increased from $1,602,850 to $3,252,275, with the indebt- 
edness increasing only from $142,690 to §254,768. 

When a great depression struck the United States just at the 
close of the decade, the great struggle, both in the economic world 
and in the Church, was to weather the storm of bankruptcies. There 
was diminished support for the ministry and for everything con- 
nected with the Church. There was very little conference-wide 
evangelistic activity, though the revival fires had not burned out in 
the local churches. Sunday School evangelism and revival meetings, 
both in individual churches and in groups of churches, continued. 
Here and there individual churches were engaged in programs of 
visitation evangelism. The active church membership increased by 
3,930 during the seven-year period from 1930 to 1937, or a little 
more than 13%. Then came the celebration of the Aldersgate ex- 
perience of John Wesley. The Conference, in harmony with the 
action of the General Conference, prepared to observe Aldersgate 
Year. 39 

The anniversary program was carried out as planned, succeeding 
to a certain extent, but not as largely as had been hoped. The Church 
received 540 from Preparatory Membership, 727 on Confession of 
Faith, and 1,291 by transfer. Deducting the transfers which involved 
merely a swapping of members among the churches of the Confer- 
ence, transfers elsewhere, and deaths, the total gain for the year was 
only 422, or slightly more than 1%. 

That was a disappointingly small increase following an effort from 
which so much had been expected. The Committee on Evangelism 
therefore reemphasized the urgent necessity for renewed effort. They 
said: "With fifty million people not affiliated with any church, we 
have at our very doorsteps a greater field than the church has had in 
any previous generation." The fifty million referred to the whole 



United States, of course. Every pastor was urged to "preach for a 
verdict," conduct evangelistic services in the Sunday School, and pro- 
mote a training class for instruction in doing personal evangelistic 

The decade ending in 1940 saw an increase in membership in the 
Methodist churches of the Oregon Conference from 29,801 to 36,342, 
or 21.9%. They constituted approximately 3.3% of the population 
of the State, the highest proportion they have ever reached. The num- 
ber of pastoral charges had increased to 146. The population of the 
State for the first time exceeded one million, going from 953,786 to 
1,089,684, or an increase of approximately 14.5%. The decade was 
one of comparatively little building activity among the Methodist 
churches, and only a slight decrease in indebtedness, for churches 
were having great difficulty in meeting even their reduced budgets. 

It was not until the coming of Bishop Bruce Baxter to the Portland 
Area that Visitation Evangelism came into real prominence as the 
method above all others for the Oregon Conference. The Commis- 
sion on Evangelism in 1941 reported: 

. . . We believe we ought to use every program, or method, that will 
bring people to Christ; Pulpit Evangelism, through the Church 
School, the youth groups, the preparatory class and the home; visita- 
tion and personal evangelism, social evangelism, stewardship evan- 
gelism and prayer evangelism. 

Specifically: We ask that every church cooperate in the Church-loyalty 
and Home Visitation Evangelism Program to win Oregon for Christ 
and the Church with the observance of; 

1. Church Loyalty Visitation, September 29, 30, and October 1. 

(Visitation of entire membership completed within three days.) 

2. World Communion Sunday — October 5. 

3. Home Visitation Evangelism under the leadership of Bishop 
Bruce Baxter and the Conference and District Commissions on 
Evangelism. 40 

The Conference that year was held June 18-29, leaving about 3 
months for preparation for the Church Loyalty Visitation campaign. 
Bishop Baxter, in cooperation with Rev. Cyrus Albertson, Pastor of 
the First Methodist Church of Tacoma, Washington, had arranged 
with Rev. Guy Black to conduct a Visitation Evangelism campaign in 
the Tacoma church, from October 13 to 16, 1941. The District Super- 
intendents and a representative group of ministers of the Oregon Con- 
ference were enlisted to help in this campaign, which was to be also a 
training experience for them in preparation for the visitation evange- 
lism which was to follow. 



The plan which was followed required a meeting each morning at 
the church for breakfast, and an entire forenoon spent in an inspira- 
tional training conference with Rev. Black as the leader. Each 
morning after breakfast, those who had been visiting the evening 
before gave their reports of their experiences, with the number of 
visits and the results — either first decisions or transfers of church 
letters. The afternoons were spent in writing up notes, resting, and 
in getting ready for the evening of calling. In the evening workers 
were paired with laymen who had been assigned to work with them, 
and went out two by two to call on "prospects" assigned them by the 

The campaign was a marvelous success for the First Methodist 
Church of Tacoma, and a wonderful training experience for the min- 
isters who took part in it. It was also a fine preparation for the work 
in the Oregon Conference which came a few weeks later. 

It is appropriate to record the results of an area-wide effort as 
published in the public press under date of November 2, 1941: 

Methodists' Drive Fruitful. 

Membership in the Portland Area of the Methodist Church was 
swelled by 3,193 during the recent campaign of visitation evangelism, 
Bishop Bruce R. Baxter announced Thursday. 

Bishop Baxter said decisions to accept Christ totaled 1,796 throughout 
the area, with the Pacific Northwest Conference contributing 1,003, the 
Oregon Conference 545 and the Idaho Conference 248. 

Accepted into church membership in confession of faith were 1,434 
in the area, of which 767 were in the Pacific Northwest Conference, 
408 in the Oregon Conference, and 259 in the Idaho Conference. 

Transfers of membership included 1,759 in the area as a whole, of 
which 924 were in the Pacific Northwest Conference, 619 in the Oregon 
Conference, and 217 in the Idaho Conference. 

The Portland Area was the first in Methodism to conduct the visitation 
evangelism campaign. 

Such remarkable results naturally were a great encouragement to 
the entire church. The whole Portland area was thrilled. But it was 
evident to the more thoughtful that the very success in winning ac- 
cessions to the church by such a movement, w r hich in its very nature 
could not always assure that those who came were as thoroughly com- 
mitted to Christ and his way of life as they should be, was also fraught 
with peril to the Church. The Committee on Evangelism at the next 
Conference spoke a wise word: 



... A recruiting evangelism must be followed up with an evangelism 
of assimilation . . . 

Therefore, we call upon every Pastor and Lay Leader in the Con- 
ference to plan their local church program so as to give the objective 
of an assimilative evangelism right of way during the next year. . . 41 

The Committee on Evangelism here put the finger on the weak 
spot in the campaign of visitation evangelism, and pointed out its 
peril. The weakness was theoretically guarded against in the plan 
itself, for the instructions to the Pastors included provision for secur- 
ing a sponsor for every new convert, or new member, to encourage 
and assist him in the process of making a thorough integration into 
the life of the church, and information of genuine Christian spirit 
and habits. But, after the enthusiasm of the campaign was cooled, 
and things settled down to the ordinary routine of church life, it 
was the exceptional pastor, indeed, who carried out this part of the 
program in any thoroughgoing way. 

No matter how good a program may be, and no matter how much 
enthusiasm it has engendered, a law of diminishing returns operates. 
Exact repetition is unwise. Hence, though the campaign of 1941 was 
so wonderful, it was thought best to modify the plan and program 
somewhat for 1942. Bishop Baxter, therefore, arranged with the 
Board of Evangelism of the General Conference, and with the Pastor 
of St. Paul's Methodist Church, Spokane, Wash., for a fall of 1942 
area-wide training school in evangelism of a slightly different char- 
acter. The leaders were to be Harry Uenman, who later became the 
Executive Secretary of the Board of Evangelism, and James S. Chubb. 
The program of this training school consisted of a forenoon of in- 
spiration and instruction at St. Paul's and dinner together at the 
church, permitting discussion of any pertinent questions and related 

The writer was a participant. After dinner we scattered, going by 
twos to churches assigned to us in various parts of the city and the 
outlying towns within a radius of about 25 miles. The afternoon was 
spent in visitation evangelism. Each evening an evangelistic service 
was held at the host church. After breakfast at our places of enter- 
tainment, we went to St. Paul's Church for another forenoon of train- 
ing, as before. The training school and evangelistic effort here de- 
scribed took place, Sept. 8-13, 1942. 

Though the Commission on Evangelism was ominously silent at 
the Conference of 1943, the statistical report showed a loss of 970 
church members . . . not because of a trimming of the roll, for there 



were 179 fewer removals for ail causes than in the preceding year. 
Something was seriously wrong. The program of that year did not 
succeed as had been hoped. 

The Conference of 1945 frankly faced the evident fact, declaring 
that the time had come for the deepening of the spiritual life of the 
Church that it might do its appointed work as a winner of souls. 

We urge renewed emphasis on the prayer life of preachers and people. 
Many, if they pray at all, are living on the lowest levels of prayer. We 
need more of that impassioned intercession which has characterized 
every revival of religion, or that highest prayer which is neither peti- 
tion nor intercession but an exposure of the soul to God that purifies 
and exalts personality, and intensifies its concern for others. If there 
can be a real deepening of the prayer life of the church we will win 
others for Christ. To this end let prayer groups be established among 
ministers in the churches. . . 

We recommend that spiritual retreats and Schools of Evangelism be 
held in sub-district groups for both ministers and laymen. 

We nominate as Conference Secretary of Evangelism, Ralph G. 
Kleen. . . , 42 

The year 1945-1946 was designated as the year for the "Crusade 
for Christ." Though there had been plans, programs and much ac- 
tivity, the receding spiritual tide w T as a disturbing fact. It was high 
time that something should stir the deeps of the soul life of the 
Church. For a second year, the statistics of the church membership 
showed a decline; in fact, there were 227 fewer church members in 
the Conference, though there had been an increase of 53 in the 
number of baptisms during the year. However, there had been 1,217 
more removals from the rolls than in the previous year. The Board of 
Evangelism gave this significant report: 

Evangelism is to be the emphasis in 1946 in the Crusade for Christ. 
This is of special significance to the Oregon Conference since statistics 
show that only 22.6% of the population of the State are identified with 
any church, the next to the lowest percentage of any state in the Union. 
Although surveys made in Portland housing centers revealed 15 per 
cent of the population indicating a preference for the Methodist 
Church, actually only 3.4% of Oregon's population are Methodist. 
Truly, "The field is white unto harvest. . . ." 

We recommend that Evangelism be made a major emphasis in all 
district conferences, and that schools of evangelism be made available 



for every pastor under the direction of the cabinet with the coopera- 
tion of the Board of Evangelism. 

We urge the recognition of the fact that our inactive members are our 
first and immediate evangelistic responsibility. Therefore, we urge that 
all pastors carry out conscientiously the program of the General Board 
of Evangelism with reference to Church Loyalty Crusade annually. 

Finally, we urge recognition of the fact that Evangelism is the key to 
victory in the Church and that the spirit of evangelism must under- 
gird all phases of Church life and of the Crusade for Christ." 

E. J. Aschenbrenner, Chairman 
Ralph G. Kleen, Secretary" 

The tide had indeed turned! The effort was crowned with suc- 
cess. At the close of the year the churches of the Conference reported 
2,125 baptisms — an increase of 304 over that of the previous year; 
2,125 were received into membership on profession of faith, and 
2,481 by transfer, a total gain for the year of 933, and an increase 
of 1,123 in active members over the previous year. 

In April of 1945, the Oregon Conference Boards of Education, 
Evangelism, Missions, and Lay Activities held a joint meeting to ex- 
plore the possibility of working more closely in conjunction with 
each other in what was called the Inter-Board Council. One of the 
results of the meeting was the decision to appoint a Director, or 
Secretary, to head the work. On Feb. 1, 1946 the Director was ap- 
pointed, in the person of Rev. Ralph G. Kleen of our own Confer- 
ence. He was freed from all pastoral responsibilities, furnished a 
house-trailer in which he could live while "on the road" and move 
about from place to place where he might be needed. At the Con- 
ference of 1946 he gave his first report as the Director of the New 
Life Movement: 

. . . With no predecessor's tracks to follow, I have gone out the past 
five months relying on the guidance of the Eternal Christ and the 
inspired wisdom of those with whom I have worked. Thus far, our 
primary emphasis has been visitation evangelism. In this we have had 
some inspired success and, needless to say, have made some blunders 
and mistakes. I have assisted eight churches with their visitation. In 
most of these, three or four evenings of preaching has preceeded about 
an equal number of evenings of visitation. Aside from the visitation, 
I have been in eighteen other churches, speaking to Youth groups, 
Young Adults, Woman's Society of Christian Service meetings, Men's 
meetings, University groups at Willamette and Eugene, and the Port- 
land Methodist Ministers' meeting. 

To me one of the most urgent needs of our Conference is a larger 
sense of vital Christian concern for all our churches. Let us remember 


to pray daily for one another in this great task of the Kingdom of our 
Christ in the year that is before us. 


Ralph G. Kleen*4 

The Board of Evangelism took a bold new step in evangelism dur- 
ing the next year. The New Life Movement was to enlist the whole 
Church, not merely to employ specialists who went from place to 
place giving a touch here and a speech there. The Director was only 
the Captain, who endeavored to head the movement which required 
every ounce of effort from every Pastor. With high resolve and deep 
sincerity the Board of 1947 declared: 

. . . With the present population of the State exceeding a million, 
our proper goal must be more than ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND 

. . . The least we can do is to adopt a goal of twenty per cent increase 
in membership for the next year. At least half of this number shall 
be by Confession of Faith. 

. . . The part that is alarming is that with our increase in numbers there 
has not been a corresponding increase in the spiritual vitality of our 
church. The need for a new dimension of depth within our lives 
has come to a crucial hour. We cannot hope to lead where we have 
not been. . , 45 

Surely none would criticize the earnest desire of the Board of 
Evangelism for all the stated goals for the future. But one wonders 
what advantage it may be to set the stakes so high that even the most 
wildly optimistic would not really expect to reach them. To be sure, 
the Master of us all challenged us with an ideal of perfection, and 
with a whole world to be won as His disciples. And, as someone has 
said, "Not failure, but low aim, is crime." But it did appear to some 
of us that the goal of a 20% increase in membership per year was a 
little higher than was reasonable. Actually, the increase for the year 
1947-48 was only 193, with a total membership, active and inactive, 
of only 40,629. 

Although Visitation Evangelism was now an accepted practice 
throughout the Church, limitations were clearly realized. Not only 
was that method and program insufficient to cover all the various 
fields in which, with full regard for responsibilities of leadership, 
evangelism must operate, but by itself it was too superficial to be a 
continuously vital force. It degenerated into a mere canvass for new 
members, and the rolls were quickly loaded with an inactive list. 



Consequently, the Board of Evangelism constantly emphasized the 
need for holding spiritual life retreats for ministers, laymen, and 
youth. And, as the Board of Evangelism emphasized, "In each parish 
there should be at least one intensive evangelistic crusade yearly, 
utilizing both pulpit and personalism methods." 

Planned intentions were good and proper. The ideal included 
genuine conversions and deep consecration on the part of Pastor and 
evangelistic visitors. But, as is too often the case, there was a wide gap 
between original intention and actual outcome. 

In February of 1950 a series of demonstration visitation evange- 
lism conferences were held. On Sunday afternoon, Feb. 26, the 
writer, after attending one of them, wrote: 

A very poor demonstration, in my opinion. They demonstrated a 
drive for church members, but there was very little more religion in it 
than there would have been in a drive for members of the Elks or 
Kiwanians. I was disappointed. If we can't make ours more spiritual 
than that it will be a detriment to us instead of a help. 

On March 11, we picked up our decision cards and other supplies 
for our own visitation evangelism campaigns in the local churches of 
the city, and from March 12 to March 17 we conducted our cam- 
paigns in our own churches, with the help of our own laymen. 

Previous to the above mentioned visitation evangelism campaign, 
during the Conference year of 1949-50, the District Secretaries of 
Evangelism had been given the privilege of attending a national 
meeting on evangelism in an eastern city in preparation for leading 
a similar campaign in the Oregon Conference. Those participating 
were: Carl Mason, the Conference Secretary of Evangelism; Francis 
Ohse (Forest Grove District) ; Edward Terry, (Portland District) ; 
Clark Enz (Salem District) ; and Wendell Coe (Southern District) . 
Terry and Ohse worked in the Philadelphia Advance meeting, where 
Bishop Kennedy was the guest speaker. Clark Enz and Wendell Coe 
worked in the E. V. Morrman School of Evangelistic Preaching at 
Moline, Illinois. The intention was that these men should form 
a team that would give inspiration and guidance to the evangelistic 
effort in all the Conference. 

The Board of Evangelism made nine recommendations, among 
them the following, which were adopted by the Conference: 

3. Four nights of visitation evangelism on the sub-district level, simul- 
taneously, and twice during the year. 



5. An active committee on evangelism in every local church, to assist 
the pastor in finding, reaching, training and assimilating new mem- 
bers. . . 

8. Every church hold at least one well-planned, organized evangelistic 
effort during the year. 46 

The decade from 1940 to 1950 saw an increase in membership 
from 36,342 to 43,375, or slightly more than 19%. But the population 
of the State increased during the same period from 1,089,684 to 
1,521,341, or almost 40%. Thus Methodist Church membership in- 
creased less than half as fast, percentage-wise, as the population of 
the State. The Methodists were but a little over 2.8% of the in- 
habitants of the State — the lowest since 1920. With such an influx 
of newcomers, even a visitation program could not keep pace with 
the growth of the population. It was a time of great building activity, 
however. Church and parsonage properties rose in value from 
$3,294,839 to $6,043,437, with only a slight increase in indebtedness. 
In 1950, the Board of Evangelism did not even mention the success 
or failure of the evangelistic program for the year past. Silence was 
appropriate, for there was a loss in membership of 223. 

A Jurisdictional Conference on Evangelism assembled at San Fran- 
cisco in September, 1950, sponsored jointly by the General Confer- 
ence Board of Evangelism and the Western Jurisdiction Board of 
Evangelism. Thirteen members of the Oregon Conference were sent 
to the conclave. In addition to this, a Spiritual Life Retreat, held at 
Camp Magruder in March, 1951, led by Bishop Kennedy and Dr. 
John Magee, was attended by about 100 of the ministers of the con- 

On January 2, 1952, an all day conference on Evangelism was 
held at the Centenary-Wilbur Methodist Church in Portland. Ralph 
Kleen, Carl Mason, Owen Beedles, pastors of the Oregon Conference- 
four District Superintendents, M. A. Marcy, S. Raynor Smith, Joseph 
Adams and George G. Roseberry; Willard Stanton, from the Pacific 
Northwest Conference; Dr. Harry L. Williams, from the General 
Board of Evangelism; and Bishop Gerald Kennedy, were the speakers. 

It was planned to hold a series of visitation and preaching confer- 
ences in every church, but also to have three sub-district inspirational 
forenoon meetings in strategically located churches. For example, in 
the territory contiguous to Portland, each pastor, together with a 
guest preacher who had been assigned to assist him, would go to the 
metropolis for the forenoon, returning to his church for the evening 
service. At a dinner for a local team of evangelistic callers, the visit- 



ing preacher would lecture on techniques, then preach while these 
visitors went out to make calls on prospects selected by the Pastor. 
Or, if preferred, the Pastor could give the lecture. All the visitation 
workers would attend the lectures, but only half of them would go 
calling each night; the others would attend the preaching service, the 
two groups alternating. The visitation and preaching effort in the 
Portland area lasted from March 7 to March 14. Other Conference 
groups functioned a few days later. 

The report of the Commission on Evangelism in 1952 was one of 
victorious enthusiasm. It was an expression of gratitude for victories 
won, and of confident optimism for the future. "The Oregon Con- 
ference won 3,207 persons on profession of faith, or one for each 11 
active members." 47 

No wonder there was a shout of victory and of thanksgiving in the 
report of the Board of Evangelism, for there had been 3,598 baptisms 
during the year, an increase of 1,038. There were 6,369 accessions, or 
an increase of 2,147 over the preceding year, and 45,366 members' 
names appeared on the roll, an increase of 2,114. During the cam- 
paign, reports of similar meetings which were being held elsewhere 
in the area were received daily. They were a spur to workers gathered 
at the Centenary-Wilbur Church for forenoon inspirational and 
instructional meetings. 

As a substitute for united interdenominational revival meeting 
campaigns which had been a common thing for many years, in 1954 
the Board of Evangelism of the Conference recommended a united 
Visitation Evangelism Mission in cooperation with the plans of the 
Oregon Council of Churches. A year-round program of visitation 
evangelism by means of a "Fisherman's Club," or some similar or- 
ganization was recommended for every church. 48 It is significant that 
the Board's report was signed by Berlyn Farris, the pastor of the First 
Methodist Church at Eugene, who had had such signal success with 
the evangelistic program in his own church. He had organized a 
Fisherman's Club which functioned persistently through the year, re- 
ceiving 294 members into his church during that period — most of 
them through the operations of the program of continuous evange- 
lism. His total gains after deducting deaths, transfers, and similar 
unavoidable losses were 170 for the year. Also, the emphasis in the 
report was on cooperation with the interdenominational body. Ap- 
propriately, the National Council of Churches selected Rev. Farris 
soon after this for its Executive Secretary. 

The results of a united interdenominational campaign in the city 
of Portland were gratifying, but took second place to the united 



Methodist campaign of previous years. The other denominations did 
not take hold of the campaign with quite the same degree of skill 
and enthusiasm as did the Methodists, probably because they were 
not so familiar with the program. The Methodists of the Oregon Con- 
ference reported an increase of 1,538 members over the year previous. 
The total church membership was 5,175. After deducting 1,613 for 
transfers and deaths, and 75 otherwise labelled, there was still a gain 
of 1,538 for the year. 

It is evident even from a hasty glance at the record, that evangelism 
as practiced, not only in the Oregon Conference but throughout 
Methodism, has become highly organized and systematically and in- 
tensely stimulated. And, though the importance of the deepening of 
the spiritual life and dependence upon the Spirit of God is con- 
stantly stressed, the tendency has been to follow carefully-thought- 
out, denominationally-sponsored techniques and plans. As a result, 
many previously uncommitted people have been received into church 
membership. No longer have preachers been content merely to be 
driven personally by the divine urge to "become all things to all men 
if by all means we may save some." And even the most sincere and 
spiritually minded ministers have become uneasily aware of the 
tendency to relapse into formalism and mechanics. We have decried 
the highly organized and commercialized evangelistic programs of 
the specialists in mass evangelism of a generation ago, but the same 
tendency to organization and technique still plagues us. Statistically, 
success is granted, but the lack of depth of sensational methods is, 
and should be, a matter of deep concern to those who have the in- 
terests of the Church and Kingdom at heart. 

An account of Methodist Evangelism in Oregon would be incom- 
plete without mention of the activity of other churches of the Meth- 
odist family, such as the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, the 
German Methodist Church and other foreign language Oregon 
Methodist churches. Another chapter will be devoted specifically to 
them. Nor would the record be complete without reference to the 
evangelistic results of Epworth League Institutes and Youth Fellow- 
ship camps within the bounds of the Oregon Conference. These, 
also, will be dealt within another chapter. 49 

The five years from 1950 to 1955 saw an 8.3 per cent increase in 
Methodist church membership, from 43,375 to 47,187. The popula- 
tion of the State during the same period was augmented a little over 
nine per cent, from 1,521,341 to an estimated 1,669,000 as of July 
1, 1955. The proportion of Methodists to the population of the State 
dropped to a little over 2.8 per cent. Property values increased during 



the same time from $6,043,437 to $12,346,788. Indebtedness also 
increased from $225,844 to $688,261. 

From 1926 to 1952, Oregon population increased 78.2 per cent, 
while church membership was enlarging by 295.4 per cent. In 1926, 
church members represented 11.1 per cent of the population; in 1952, 

24.7 per cent. 50 At the beginning, as at the end of the period analyzed, 
Methodists constituted less than 3 per cent of Oregon's people. Ex- 
cept for the very poor record of the census years 1880 and 1890, 
Methodist membership, from 1850 through 1950 and 1955, never 
varied over half a per cent from the three per cent figure. Yet the 
Oregon Council of Churches found that the Methodist membership 
had increased, in 1952, 44.5 per cent over 1926, as compared with 

65.8 per cent for all churches. 

Hard as Methodists have worked to maintain and extend their 
position and influence, they have, over the years, apparently been 
operating a treadmill so far as proportionate numerical progress is 
concerned. On the other hand, they have not lost ground, and they 
have consistently maintained high standards and spiritual goals. They 
have well deserved the respect they continue to enjoy. 


Chapter XIV 
Missions— at Home and Abroad 

MISSIONS AND EVANGELISM are a part of the same endeavor. 
They are but different aspects of the program of winning the 
world for Christ; they are but the reverse sides of the same coin. 
Hence the sequence of treatment: Evangelism, then Missions. 

The Oregon Mission itself was the beginning. Oregon was at that 
time a "foreign" mission field. And indeed it was a far-off foreign 
land, farther than Africa. When Jason Lee came to establish that 
mission, he and his handful of companions were compelled to make 
a journey of many months on foot, on horseback and by slow river 
boats to reach their destination. The Oregon Mission was carried 
on through all the years of its history by the missionary contributions 
of eastern church people. Without that interest, and those gifts, de- 
velopment of the Church in Oregon would have been much delayed. 
Jason Lee and his associates and successors looked upon themselves 
as missionaries. 

When George Gary was Superintendent of the Oregon Mission he 
formed the opinion that the missionaries could get the greater part of 
their support from local collections; but William Roberts, after a 
careful survey of the situation, came to a contrary conclusion. 1 As a 
step in the direction of self-sufficiency, ministers did accept offerings 
which more or less took care of their "table expenses." 

At the organizing session of the Oregon and California Mission 
Conference of 1849, a regular Committee on Missions was constituted 
which brought in a report calling for the immediate organization of 
"The Oregon and California Missionary Society." It is quite remark- 
able that the statistical report for that year showed that $171.00 had 
been contributed for missions. The Society was in reality an all- 
Oregon affair. There were no California members. The officers, all 
Oregon men, were: 

William Roberts, President 
David Leslie, Vice-President 
Alvin F. Waller, Secretary 
James H. Wilbur, Treasurer 

WilliamH. Willson 1 

Josiah L. Parrish i- Managers 

John McKinney J 



If it was anticipated that giving would be stimulated by the 
formation of a missionary society, statistics of the next year proved 
the expectation unjustified. Only $17.00 was received for missions in 
Oregon, and nothing whatever in California. It seems evident that 
most of the churches took no collections at all for this item. At the 
Conference of 1851 it was ordered that a missionary collection should 
be taken in every church during the month of May. Consequently, 
at the close of that year five of the ten pastoral charges in California 
reported receipts from that source totalling $344.28; in Oregon two 
charges reported a total of $345.10. At the 1852 Conference, in an 
apparent effort to stimulate collection taking, the Presiding Elders 
of the Districts were added to the Missionary Society as officers. 

Since their own salaries were usually delinquent, it is perhaps not 
strange that preachers were less than eager to press for missionary 
collections. Conference-wide, even though the amounts set by Quar- 
terly Conferences scarcely sufficed to keep soul and body together, 
only about two-thirds of pastors' salaries were paid. Be it said to the 
credit of practically every minister that, when he took a missionary 
collection from his church, he did so in the face of the imminent 
prospect of a deficit in his own salary. 

From the standpoint of the people, a missionary collection would 
have been rather unwelcome for the reason that they could not pay 
even their own pastors. Since the Mission Board subsidized the Con- 
ference, it would have been natural to question the sending of money 
to the former in order that the recipient might return it. Why not 
use all the money they could raise to pay their own bills? The author 
of this sketch encountered such arguments among his own parish- 
ioners. Nevertheless, a start had been made toward the creation of a 
missionary-minded, self-supporting Church on the Pacific Coast. 

Again, at the organizing session of the Oregon Annual Conference 
(1853) , a Committee on Missions was regularly constituted. Three 
of the most prominent members were appointed to the group: 
William Roberts, Thomas H. Pearne, and James H. Wilbur. Before 
the time came to report, however, A. F. Waller had been substituted 
for Wilbur. 

From the start, the Committee had not only the task of promoting 
missions locally, but it also had the responsibility of apportioning the 
money appropriated by the Board of Missions for work among the 
churches of Oregon. According to their godly judgment of necessities, 
therefore, they proceeded to allot the $3,000 subsidy to seven charges, 
the Presiding Bishop concurring. During the same Conference year, 
the churches raised only $412.68 in missionary contributions. 



The Oregon Mission, begun in 1834 as a service to Indians, con- 
tinued as such until its dissolution in 1846-47. The natives were ex- 
ceptionally troublesome during the years that followed, perpetrating, 
notably, the Whitman massacre. Though one might have expected 
that the Church would "wipe its hands" of the Indians after that 
frightful event, the Conference of 1855 named a Committee on "The 
Condition of the Indians," consisting of J. L. Parrish, D. E. Blain, 
and G. M. Berry. Parrish, a veteran Indian missionary, had been 
active since 1840. The others had come to Oregon since the Indian 
Mission had been dissolved. That competent committee headed the 
work of Indian Missions in the Oregon Conference and gave its re- 
port annually. The condition of the Indians was truly deplorable. 
Defeated, deprived of their ancestral lands, many of them were in 
such desperate straits that the Conference demanded action in their 
behalf. A chapter has been devoted to "Indian Missions and Indian 

At the Conference of 1859 a very remarkable thing occurred — the 
expression of a strong missionary interest in far-off Japan. If mis- 
sionary concern heretofore had been mostly that of self-help via the 
Board of Missions in New York, or of compassion for Indian neigh- 
bors, a far different enthusiasm originated a proposal to send a mis- 
sionary to Japan and to pay at least a goodly share of his expenses. 
Though the plan operated through the Board of Missions, the initia- 
tive came from the Oregon Conference. Rev. L. T. Woodward, a 
member, was recommended for appointment to the selected field, and 
the raising of $1,000 was authorized. 2 

Rev. Woodward was not appointed Missionary to Japan at this 
time, or at any other time. While waiting, probably, for action by 
the Board of Missions, he was made Presiding Elder of the Umpqua 
District. The record fails to reveal what action, if any, was taken to- 
ward carrying out the resolution. Nor was any other member of the 
Oregon Conference thus called until 1907, when Rev. H. W. 
Schwartz, M.D., was sent to Japan, and his transfer to the Oregon 
Conference was listed. Rev. Schwartz began his ministry in the New 
York East Conference. He went to Japan as a medical missionary in 
1884, and continued to serve in that land after his transfer to the 
Oregon Conference, continuing with the Pacific Japanese mission 
until his death in 1921. 3 

Since the cause of missions had been consistently and persistently 
promoted by the Committee on Missions, it undoubtedly had been 
given some place in the Pastoral Address which was, each year, pre- 
pared by a committee of the Conference. At the Conference of 1864, 



at least, Nehemiah Doane was appointed to prepare and preach the 
next year's "Annual Missionary Sermon." To make sure that such a 
sermon would be delivered, C. H. Hall was appointed alternate. The 
practice of having a different person each year prepare and deliver 
a Conference missionary sermon continued for many years. 

The Conference Church Extension Society of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church was organized in 1868. Previous to that date the 
Conference had had a Committee on Church Property, but no com- 
mission featuring church extension. The reason for the organization 
was given in the report of this Society in 1885: 

At the close of the civil war the south was destitute and the vast terri- 
tory of the Northwest began to be settled by multitudes of people 
of all nationalities, who were ignorant of the gospel and of our political 
institutions. Many from the Christian churches of the eastern and 
middle states were joining this tide of emigration, and towns and cities 
sprang up as if by magic. Methodism, desiring that Christianity and 
civilization should keep pace with advancing emigration, under Divine 
Providence, created the Church Extension Society to meet these great 
demands. 4 

Churches were being built, indeed, and pastoral charges were 
multiplying as if by magic. There were, in 1868, within the bounds 
of the Oregon Conference, 58 charges, in each of which missionary 
money was raised, supplementing appropriations from the Board of 
Missions. It was logical that the Board of Church Extension should 
be made a regular Annual Conference board. From the beginning it 
was made up of both ministers and laymen. The first one, in 1868, 
consisted of Rev. C. C. Stratton, President; A. C. Gibbs (layman) , 
Secretary; Rev. C. G. Belknap, Corresponding Secretary; S. E. May 
(layman) , Recording Secretary; Rev. Isaac Dillon, Treasurer, and 
the following additional members: Dr. Watkins (layman) , Rev. 
Isaac D. Driver, D. Harvey (layman) . Thus the Board was composed 
of four ministers and four laymen. 

General Conference legislation was designed to regulate the ex- 
penditure of funds for new projects to the end that the location or 
building of new churches should be wise and prudent. The Church 
Extension Society was, apparently, expected to act in some such 
capacity as the more recent Board of Church Location. The Pre- 
siding Elders, to be sure, had usually been a part of the Committee 
on Missions, and had always been influential in the designation of 
funds to the churches both for annual missionary allocations, and for 
church building. Added advantage came from the ofhcial judgments 
of trusted laymen regarding church extension projects. 



Henceforth the Conference Committee on Missions, and the Con- 
ference Board of Church Extension were separate and distinct. 
(Later, the work of the Board of Home Missions was unified with 
the work of the Board of Church Extension under the composite 
Board of Home Missions and Church Extension.) There was great 
need for the Board of Church Extension, not only to insure wise ex- 
penditure of funds for church building, but to promote such build- 
ing vigorously. To aid the parent board, provision was made for re- 
sponsible, intelligent, and vigorous consideration from the field it- 
self. Intimate knowledge and personal interest were desirable on the 
part of those presenting needs to the parent board and giving advice 
regarding allocation of funds. 

That the responsibility of extension was not always easy to dis- 
charge, the reports of the Conference Board of Church Extension in 
1872 will show. It recommended appropriations of $1,650 for seven 
of ten churches asking aid. The "Parent Board" cut the amount to 
$650 for Kalama, Steilacoom and Oysterville (donations) ; and $750 
for Waitsburg, Canyonville and Empire City (loans) . The Oregon 
Board counted on a $1,000 Conference contribution for the year just 
closed. 5 The statistics for that year show that $1,194.18 was collected 
from the churches for missions, and $343.95 from the Sunday Schools. 

It will be noticed that several of the places named in the 1872 
recommendations were in the State of Washington: Waitsburg, 
Kalama, Oysterville, and Steilacoom — charges which were at that 
time in the Oregon Conference. A state line had nothing to do with 
dissatisfaction that arose among members of the Conference. Com- 
plaints stemmed from the feeling that missionary help was not dis- 
tributed equitably. Therefore a different committee expressed a dis- 
satisfaction which we can readily believe was quite general: 

Your Committee on Church Extension respectfully report as follows: 

We have carefully examined the doings of the Society during the past 
year, and so far as relates to the Conference Society we are satisfied. 
We greatly regret not to be able to say as much of the Parent Board, 
in consideration of recommendations made to it by our Conference 
Society. We think that in the distribution of its gifts it should respect 
the breadth of its support. When, therefore, worthy and equally 
deserving applications are made from extreme and various portions 
of our work, it is unaccountable and unsatisfactory to us that all the 
donations made should be to a single district. We, therefore, recom- 
mend such an expression by this Conference as to call the attention of 
the Parent Board to this inequality, and thereby secure a more faithful 
adherence to the recommendations of the Conference Society. 



We also recommend. . . : 

. . . That the Presiding Elders be instructed to apportion the amount 

for which the Parent Board may ask this Conference among the 

several districts and pastoral charges for collection, and that each 

preacher in charge shall report at our next session, along with his 

missionary collection, the amount asked and received for church 

extension. 6 

It certainly seems that the dissatisfaction of the Conference in this 
regard was well founded. Only two churches within what is now the 
Oregon Conference were offered any assistance, and those with loans 
only, although the Conference Board had recommended both loans 
and gifts. However, we must keep in mind the fact that the General 
Board of Missions was additionally subsidizing the churches of the 
Oregon Conference by supplementing the salaries of no less than 34 
of the pastors, to the amount of $4,500 plus gifts to building funds 
and loans for church building. 

Another thing we should remember is that the parent board's 
policy of helping new churches and those that had prospects of growth 
applied logically both to Oysterville and Kalama, which had been 
operating only one year. Waitsburg and Steilacoom had been pastoral 
charges for only four years. Steilacoom had, indeed, been started in 
1854, but, after running into Indian trouble, had been suspended 
until four years before the controversial allocation. 

There were other difficulties regarding home mission or church 
extension gifts. Over-zealous preachers, or possibly Presiding Elders, 
gave unfulfilled promises of help to some of the churches. And some 
of the Presiding Elders were better known to the officers of the 
parent Board than were others, and some had more effective ways 
of presenting their cases. 

Despite the protestations at the 1872 Conference, dissatisfaction 
again raised its ugly head in 1873 when the Committee on Church 
Extension said: 

. . . The work has been seriously damaged and embarrassed by preachers 
and the Conference Board raising expectations in communities that 
they would receive aid from the Church Extension funds, which 
promises or encouragements never received the approval of the parent 
Board, therefore 

Resolved, that we will hold out no expectation of aid beyond what is 
authorized without first securing the consent of the parent Board. 7 

The type of difficulty involved was very easy to get into, and very 
embarrassing to get out of, as many since that day can testify. People 



who need help are very receptive, even to suggestions that probably 
they might receive help with a building project. Like auctioneers who 
eagerly catch the slightest movement of the hand, or unintentional 
nod of the head, laymen hang upon the slightest word of a pastor, 
Presiding Elder or canvasser and then try to hold authorities to sup- 
posed promises. Unfortunately, as church workers can still testify, 
the resolution of the Conference did not stop arousal of false ex- 
pectations and consequent disappointment of hopes. 

From an early day, a few Chinese had been coming to the Pacific 
Coast. By 1878 the Oriental problem was beginning to cause consid- 
erable concern in some quarters. Consequently, in that year, a com- 
mittee on "The Condition of the Chinese" was appointed with in- 
structions to report to the next Conference. The committee consisted 
of William Roberts, W. C. Chattin, and W. T. Chapman. At the 
time of presentation, only William Roberts remained of the original 
committee, whose report was so revealing, not only of the missionary 
interest of the Church, but of the political issues of the times: 

The Committee of Correspondence, appointed by this Conference at 
its last session, in regard to the Chinese, have obtained but few addi- 
tional facts. An impression is sought to be made very widely that this 
Northwest Coast is in a condition of fearful peril from the present and 
prospective immigration of Chinamen among us ... So serious is the 
situation, that each of the two great political parties have gravely 
pronounced upon the subject. Sand-lot orators, eloquent senators, and 
private citizens have lamented the threatening danger. 

We, too, should feel very badly over this subject, did we not remem- 
ber that possibly there is a little exaggeration in these estimates; that 
every four years there is a presidential election to be carried; that 
one of these little episodes in the life of the nation is just now at hand; 
that these Chinamen are very much in the way of some other for- 
eigners in the matter of domestic service, laundry work, etc., bringing 
the price of wages down a little; that these white Americans, of Euro- 
pean birth, are enfranchized, while the Chinaman is not — and that 
therefore, the immense hue and cry made that the "Chinaman must 
go" is largely a wise arrangement to multiply votes, a sop to Cerberus, 
and entitled to very little respect . . . We have lived here almost a full 
generation of men, and do know of our own knowledge, that the China- 
man has been a benefit to the country; that he is a man and a brother. 
. . . Re-affirming, therefore, the facts of last year's report, . . . We offer, 
the following resolutions: 

1. That we recommend the formation of Chinese Sunday Schools 
and evening schools. 

2. That we recommend the formation of a Chinese Mission, with 
headquarters in Portland, . . . 



3. That we ask $2,000.80 of the Missionary Society for the objects 
of this Mission. 

4. That we will warmly invite the Chinese into our own Congrega- 
tions, Churches and Sunday Schools, and make special effort to Chris- 
tianize and Americanize these immigrants to our shores. We recom- 
mend that the doors of our Academies and Colleges be kept open to 
them as to other nationalities. 

Wm. Roberts 
Isaac Dillon 
J. H. Actons 

The report was remarkable for the fact that it ran counter to pre- 
vailing political opinion, and no doubt counter to the prejudices of 
many church members. The men who signed that document were 
less mindful of political expediency and selfish prejudice than of the 
spirit of Christ and the command to "make disciples of all nations." 
Again, they demonstrated their right to be considered among the out- 
standing preachers of the Conference. We have reviewed the records 
of Roberts and Dillon in previous chapters; Acton was Editor of the 

Even before he accepted an appointment in 1880 as "Missionary 
to the Chinese," Roberts was very much interested in those people. 
At that same Conference he indicated a rather active year already 
spent among the Orientals, supplementing his labors as Pastor of the 
Forest Grove and Cornelius circuit. In his report to the Conference 
he said: "In the absence of anyone better qualified, I shall willingly 
look after their interests for another year." 9 Here is a remarkable 
thing. Talented William Roberts, who had been Superintendent of 
the Oregon Mission, Superintendent of the Oregon and California 
Mission Conference, Presiding Elder of three Districts in the Confer- 
ence, Pastor of some of the most important charges in the Conference, 
volunteered to be a "Missionary to the Chinese" at a time when prob- 
ably the majority of people in the country looked upon them as a 
menace to American civilization! To be sure, William Roberts was at 
this time past his prime. He was 68 years of age, and could not hope 
to hold the important posts that he had formerly held. But once a 
missionary, always a missionary! He was appointed. 

Although, beginning in 1881, the Chinese Mission was listed 
among the pastoral appointments on the Portland District, no min- 
ister was named until 1886. In the meantime, though the work was 
under the general supervision of the Presiding Elder, immediate 
oversight and management devolved upon 



the intelligent Christian Chinamen, Frank Falconer and Chan Pat 
Chuing, members of the Taylor Street Church, who have shown their 
interest in the school not only in bestowing their services gratuitously 
and gladly, but in contributing of their own funds for its benefit to 
the amount of S212. 10 

The Chinese Mission, after a slow start, was carried on intermit- 
tently until 1914. Its second Pastor, after Roberts' missionary service 
of one year, was Chan Hon Fan, 1886-1888, a native-born Chinese. 
After a gap lasting until 1876, during which the mission was served 
by a white pastor whenever one could be found, another native 
Chinese, James F. S. Wang, served one year. But the w r ork did not 
really become settled until the coming of Chan Sing Kai in 1902 to 
serve for eleven years as Pastor of the Portland Chinese Mission. 
During that time this quiet Christian gentleman was a faithful at- 
tendant at the sessions of the Annual Conference, respected by all 
who knew him. 

After Chan Sing Kai's departure it was apparently impossible to 
secure another Chinese pastor. Rev. Asa Sleeth tried to carry on for 
two years more, but the work quickly disintegrated and was closed. 
When Chan Sing Kai took the pastorate, there were but 30 members 
of the church. In the first two years he increased the membership to 
72; but a slump followed until, w-hen he left in 1913, there were only 
47 members. After that the number diminished to the 20 which Asa 
Sleeth named in the last report of the Chinese Mission. 

The work among Portland Chinese was strictly a missionary proj- 
ect, initiated, sponsored and managed by the Oregon Conference, 
but subsidized by the Board of Home Missions of the denomination. 
However, the Chinese people also contributed to the expenses, if 
only in fractional amounts. The Mission was regularly listed as a 
church; and the pastor, whether native or foreign born, was a mem- 
ber in good standing in the Oregon Conference. 

The report of the Committee on Chinese Work at the Conference 
of 1910 revealed some difficulties noting: "peculiar habits and re- 
ligious customs," lack of a permanent mission building, the fact that 
most Chinese w T ere adults, etc. Consolidation of all Portland Chinese 
missions was recommended. 11 Though the author does not question 
the conclusions of the committee, it is only fair to call attention to the 
contrast between them and those of William Roberts in 1880. 

The report mentioned the fact that other denominations were at 
work among the Chinese, and that there was a growing conviction 
that it would be wise to join with others in a common effort instead 
of trying to build a Chinese Methodist Church. The thought ma- 



terialized. Two years later the District Superintendent and the 
Pastor of the First Methodist Church gave an account of "Consolida- 
tion of Chinese Work" in which they reported, in substance, that 
an attempt had been made, previous to the Conference of 1912, to 
effect a coordinated effort. Representatives from the Methodist, 
Baptist, Christian, and Presbyterian churches met for the purpose 
intended. The only other denominations known to be working 
among the Chinese in the city were the United Brethren and Episco- 
pal churches. When Bishop Barclay of the United Brethren Church 
refused to cooperate, the scheme fell through. 12 

When revolution in China resulted in the overthrow of the Im- 
perial Government and the establishment of the Republic, many 
Pacific Coast Chinese returned to their native land, a development 
which further militated against the success of work among the 
Chinese by diminishing their numbers. 

When Pastor Chan Sing Kai took a supernumerary relation and, 
at the end of two years, transferred to the California Conference, 
the Chinese work in Portland was left without leadership. No other 
Chinese pastor, not even a returning missionary, could be found. 
The only alternative, a ministerial supply, also failed to materialize. 
Though there is no record of the actual dissolution of the Mission, 
or of a combined effort as suggested, no pastors were appointed to 
this work after the Conference year of 1914-1915. 

As noted in the report of the Committee in 1910, the Japanese 
work in the city of Portland was carried on under the Pacific Coast 
Japanese Mission, supervised from San Francisco. 

The plight of the Negroes who had been set free by the Emancipa- 
tion Proclamation appealed with great force to the people of the 
North; and it was not long before the Methodist Episcopal Church 
proposed to act. Though slavery was never legalized in Oregon, and 
though very few emancipated slaves lived anywhere within reach, 
the hearts of the people of the Conference went out to those who 
were, in a sense, in worse plight than when they were the property of 
reasonably benevolent slave masters. Ministers in Oregon had been 
aroused over the slavery issue; it was only natural that they should 
have risen to the challenge of the emancipated slaves. 

It was logical for the General Conference to organize the "Freed- 
men's Aid Society." The strange thing is that they deferred action 
until seven years after the close of the war. When finally, in 1872, 
the Freedmen's Aid Society was formed, the Oregon Conference 
quickly accepted the cause as one of its regular benevolences. In 
1873 the Committee on Freedmen's Aid Society reported: 



The cause of the freedmen is one which has really enlisted our sym- 
pathy in the shape of dollars and cents. It has never until this year 
been placed upon our list of Conference collections. However, our 
contributions this year to its funds are upwards of sixty dollars 
($62.32) , which is a fair beginning, and promises to increase as atten- 
tion is called to this particular branch of our church charities in the 
future. . . . We trust it will enlist our attention, interest and efforts, 
as the merits of the case may seem to demand of us. 

Resolved, That as one of the family of Conferences, we are gratified 
and pleased with the action of the late General Conference in placing 
the cause of the freedmen more fully than before, under the fostering 
care of the church; and do hereby pledge our cordial and hearty co- 
operation in the moral and pecuniary support of the cause. 

N. Doane, Chairman 13 

The report mentioned the action of the previous Conference. On 
the third day of the session of 1872 a Committee on "The Freed- 
men's Aid Society" had been appointed, consisting of L. M. Nicker- 
son, Nehemiah Doane, and L. T. Woodward. A resolution was passed 
providing that a collection should be taken for the Bible Cause, 
The Sunday School Union, the Tract Cause, and the Freedmen's 
Society, but the latter should get only one-fourth of the whole 
amount. The offering was to be distinct from those for Church Ex- 
tension and for Conference Claimants. Evidently the total set aside 
for the Freedmen's Aid Society could not be very large. 

The small amount regularly collected in the Methodist Church for 
many years was soon freed from the restrictions of sharing pro-rata 
in an omnibus collection. In 1887 the Oregon Conference raised $280 
for the cause; and in that year the Committee on Freedmen's Aid 
Society made a very interesting, eloquent and revealing report: 

Turning our attention to the Southern States of our country, we have 
reason to be startled at the condition of things there found; 7,000,000 
of colored people, over seventy per cent of whom are absolutely 
illiterate. . . 

Well may the thoughtful lover of our country tremble for our future, 
if these millions are left in ignorance and degradation. . . 

The only remedy for these startling evils is to be found in the elevat- 
ing influence of education and Christianity. . . In view of the fore- 
going, therefore, be it 

Resolved, 1st. That the Freedmen's Aid Society be assured of our 
hearty appreciation, co-operation and support. 

Resolved, 2nd. That we honor and applaud the action of the execu- 
tive committee in endeavoring to keep our schools under their control, 
free from the debasing and unchristian influences of caste. 



Resolved, 3rd. That we will present the claims of this society to our 
people, instructing them in regard to its aims and necessities, and do 
our utmost to raise our apportionment of the $50,000 asked for next 
year's work. 

Respectfully submitted, 

Whatever we may think of the dire predictions regarding the future 
numerical superiority of the black population of America, and their 
possible future power, we may well reflect upon the difference be- 
tween the proposals and plans of the Church and of those who preach 
"White Supremacy," and intend to "keep the nigger in his place" — 
even at the price of bloodshed and lynch law. 

It is significant that the name of the Society was changed in 1888 
to "Freedmen's Aid and Southern Educational Society." The nature 
of the work was not changed, but the title was brought into line with 
the nature of the evolved effort of many years. The benevolence car- 
ried the unwieldy name until 1908, when the former designation, 
"Freedmen's Aid" was reapplied. The best way to give "aid" to the 
Negro, or to anyone, is to help him to help himself. Direct relief 
should be given only temporarily. To put tools into the Negro's 
hands and teach him how to use them is rehabilitating. Before long, 
the relief feature of the work of the Church in behalf of the Negro 
gave way to education and preparation of the race for self-help. 

Though Negro aid has long been one of the minor benevolences 
of the Church, in aggregate the Oregon Conference has raised con- 
siderable money for the purpose. Totals for the last three years when 
the Negro benevolence was raised separately and so recorded in the 
statistics, were: 1918, $1,517; 1919, $2,083; 1920, $1,936— amounts 
which were 3.3%, 1.7% and 1.5% respectively, of the "Total Dis- 
ciplinary Benevolences" for those years. However, there was no pro 
rata division of such funds. The next year, 1921, and thereafter, the 
Freedmen's Aid Society was included in the "Apportioned Benevo- 
lences" along with other equivalent enterprises, and was no longer 
presented as a separate cause. 

Since there was a considerable German population in Portland 
and the Pacific Northwest, it seemed to those who were informed of 
the situation that a German Mission should be started. Therefore 
Rev. Frederick Bonn was brought from California to assume the re- 
sponsibility of developing such a work. He was transferred to the 
Oregon Conference, introduced at its opening session in 1880 and 
appointed to a "German Mission" not yet in existence. By 1883 the 
organization was known as a German District. By 1888 the work had 



so grown that it was formed into a German Mission with the follow- 
ing preachers: George Harting, Superintendent; Adam Klippel, 
H. F. Michel, Carl Jans, J. G. Moehring, Abraham Hager, Adam 
Buehler, John Hager, A. L. Koeneke, F. W. Buchholz, H. Hanson, 
Ed Drewing, Joseph Hepp. 

When Oregon Methodists began to be aware of the need for work 
among the Scandinavian people of the Northwest, it is impossible at 
this date to determine. At the Conference of 1882, a committee com- 
posed of W. S. Harrington, George W. Izer and John Parsons intro- 
duced a report and a series of resolutions on the subject. W. S. Har- 
rington was Pastor of the Methodist Church in Seattle, George W. 
Izer of the Taylor Street Methodist Church in Portland, and John 
Parsons of the Methodist Church in Astoria. All were places of chief 
concentration for Scandinavian settlers. 

The Committee report follows: 

Within the territory of the Oregon Conference, there are several thou- 
sand Scandinavians — in Portland, Astoria and Seattle, many are 
gathered — in the Skagit, the Snohomish and other valleys there are 
whole settlements composed entirely of this people. 

Many of them are Lutherans, some are Methodists. But very few 
preachers are among them, and not a single Methodist preacher who 
can speak their language. 

They yield readily to evangelizing efforts, and seem especially open to 
Methodist theology and methods. They are calling earnestly to us 
for help. 

In view of the foregoing facts, 

Resolved, 1st, That in our judgment a mission among the Scandinavians 
should be at once established. 

2nd. That two Missionaries are very much needed, one with head- 
quarters at Portland, the other with headquarters at Seattle. 
3rd. That the Missionary Board be requested to make a special ap- 
propriation of $1,000 for this Mission. 15 

Without awaiting the action of the Board of Missions, apparently, 
plans were carried forward for work among the Scandinavian people 
under Rev. C. J. Larsen, who was brought from California. Neither 
his transfer nor his appointment were announced at that Conference 
of 1882, nor recorded in the Journal; but the Committee on 
Scandinavian Work in 1883 made it clear that Rev. Larsen had been 
recruited for his service soon after the Conference of 1882. 16 Since 
the Conference was divided at the close of that session (1883) , di- 



vision was made of the recommended $1,000 appropriation for 
Scandinavian work, $650 to be allocated to the Oregon Conference, 
and the remaining $350 to the Puget Sound Conference, to which 
Larsen was transferred. Rev. C. N. Hauge was appointed Pastor of 
the Scandinavian Church in Portland. 

It seems that this work was sometimes also called "Danish- 
Norwegian" instead of Scandinavian. In the statistics of 1883 no 
Scandinavian effort is mentioned, but a Danish-Norwegian church is 
listed, with a membership of 22 and eight probationers. The history 
of the Scandinavian work in Oregon was outlined in an 1884 Com- 
mittee report which recommended a request to the Mission Board 
for $1,200 for the Scandinavian work within the Oregon Confer- 
ence. 17 An even better account of the beginnings of the Norwegian- 
Danish work on the Pacific Coast is contained in a Memorial number 
of the Norwegian-Danish Conference. 18 The Scandinavian Mission, 
under that name had, by 1884, grown to 42 members and 10 pro- 

The church in Portland which had been called the "Scandinavian 
Mission" in the appointments of 1883, and the "Danish and Nor- 
wegian Mission" at that same Conference, was, during the days of 
the Northwest Norwegian and Danish Conference, known as "Port- 
land First Church," the later Hoyt Street Methodist Church. 
Founded on October 19, 1882 and first located at what was then 
Third Avenue and D. Street, it was moved in 1909 to N.W. 18th 
Ave. and Hoyt Street. 

The first Pastor in charge of Scandinavian work in Astoria, ap- 
pointed in 1885, was Hans S. Waaler. A missionary appropriation of 
$400 was made for this work. Two years later it was reported that 
the group still had no organization in Astoria, but held church 
membership in Portland. However, by that time the Pastor had se- 
cured a lot for church purposes at a cost of $500 and had raised $650 
more with which to begin a church building. 

In 1888 the Scandinavian Mission of the Oregon Conference had 
grown to ten churches, with a valuation of $22,450, a membership of 
210 and a Sunday School membership of 220. That year the General 
Conference created the Norwegian-Danish Mission Conference, and 
the Scandinavian churches no longer appeared in the list of appoint- 
ments until, upon the dissolution of their separate organization, they 
again came into the Oregon Conference in 1939. At that time some of 
the Scandinavian brethren were absorbed into the California Confer- 
ence, some into the Oregon Conference, and some into the Pacific 
Northwest Conference. 



The Norwegian-Danish Mission, when it was organized with C. J. 
Larsen as Superintendent, was composed of the following churches: 
Portland, Astoria, Albina, Tacoma, Port Townsend, Seattle, La- 
Center, Rockford, Spokane Falls, Moscow and Blaine. Because there 
were but seven preachers, including the Superintendents, four of the 
churches were left to be supplied. The history of the mission ends 
with the year 1939. For further study of the Norwegian-Danish work 
one should consult the Journals of the Western Norwegian-Danish 
Conference and the Swedish Mission Conference. 

Before Alaska was purchased by the United States from Russia in 
1887, the Greek Orthodox Church had made rather feeble attempts to 
establish a Christian Mission among the natives of the territory. After 
it became American about twelve years elapsed before the Methodist 
Church gave any thought to establishing a mission there. In 1879, 
Bishop Gilbert Haven, presiding over the Oregon Conference, sug- 
gested the establishment of a mission in Alaska, and appointed a com- 
mittee consisting of Thomas Magill, William Roberts, and A. Atwood 
to look into the matter. The Committee reported back to the Con- 
ference that it could not, just at that time, obtain sufficient informa- 
tion to warrant sending anyone to Alaska. It asked further time in 
order that it might correspond with some persons who were ac- 
quainted with the conditions of that country, and report the results 
of the investigation to the Mission Board and to the next session of 
the Conference. 19 

The request for more time to investigate was granted; the Com- 
mittee was continued, though not listed in the Journal. It got in 
touch with Captain Keene, formerly of the U. S. Revenue Service, 

... a man having extensive knowledge of Alaska and its people and 
well qualified to judge of its needs, having spent several years in that 
country and sailed up and down its coasts, accompanying Hon. W. H. 
Seward on his memorable expedition to Alaska which preceded its 
purchase by him on behalf of the United States. . . 20 

In its report, the Committee enumerated the various Indian tribes 
living in Alaska, with the location and approximate number of each, 
noting that the Methodist Church of Canada, and the Presbyterians, 
were already working among some of the tribes. Also, it gave a glow- 
ing description of the material resources of Alaska, with the predic- 
tion that they would in due time induce an influx of white settlers. 

The Committee concluded its report with the following paragraph: 

In view of these and other facts the late Bishop Gilbert Haven, when 
visiting this Conference, strongly favored the immediate establish- 



ment of a mission at Alaska, appropriating $50 for this purpose, and 
on his return east succeeded in getting an appropriation from the 
General Missionary Society of $1,000 toward establishing this mission, 
and would no dovibt have ere now one or two more missionaries 
laboring in that field had not death come and prevented the execu- 
tion of this noble purpose. We, therefore, respectfully and earnestly 
desire this Conference to ask the General Missionary Society to estab- 
lish a mission at Alaska during the coming year, or in the near future. 19 

The report was ordered sent to the Board of Missions. However, 
two factors operated to deprive the Oregon Conference of the honor 
of organizing an Alaska Mission: the sad fact that Bishop Haven had 
alreadv eone to his reward, and the organization in 1884 of the Puget 
Sound Conference for the area which lay north of the Columbia 
River. Not until 1899 was a member of the Oregon Conference ap- 
pointed to help with the Alaska project. In the meantime, in 1886, 
Rev. John H. Carr, a local preacher, and his wife Ethelda were sent 
to Unga to open a mission school. Though his wife's death became 
the first casualty in the Alaska Mission, he labored there three years. 
In 1890 the Woman's Home Missionarv Society established the Jesse 
Lee Home in Unalaska as a child care institution. 

In 1 897 Bishop McCabe appointed Rev. C. J. Larsen as first Super- 
intendent of the Alaska Mission. That pioneer of the Scandinavian 
Mission built a church at Dvea, which was then a flourishing town. 
However, with the establishment of the White Pass and the Yukon 
Railroad with its terminus at Skagway, Dyea soon became a deserted 
village. After a year of service Rev. Larsen left, and Rev. J. J. Walter, 
a member of the Oregon Conference, was appointed Superintend- 
ent. 21 Henceforth the Alaska Conference, or the Alaska Mission, was 
no longer a part of the Oregon Conference, except as those retaining 
membership were appointed as missionaries. Here we leave the story 
of Alaska. 

Though the Woman's Foreign Missionary Society of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church was organized in 1869, it was a little later before 
any local chapter of that organization was formed in an Oregon 
church. The statistics of 1876 record the first collections for the So- 
ciety totalling $11.50 — from seven churches. When the first formal 
report to the Annual Conference was made ten years later it was 
presented not by the ladies, but bv two ministers. Women had as vet 
no voice of their own in the Conference. The Woman's Home Mis- 
sionary Society came later. In 1884 there was a beginning, with $9.50 
contributed by the women of seven churches. Three years later, 
1887, the first formal report was given to the Conference. Deaconess 



work in the Oregon Conference seems to have begun in connection 
with Portland Hospital, the first mention of such activity being made 
in the reports of 1892. 22 

Admittedly, it is difficult to distinguish between missionaries and 
many of the pastors of the Conference. Especially at the beginning of 
Methodist work in Oregon, the ministers were all missionaries. 
Gradually, as the churches became self-supporting, the missionary 
feature of the work of most of the preachers faded away. Neverthe- 
less, until very recent years at least, some of the regular pastors, 
especially in recently-organized churches, have been missionaries in a 
true sense. For the purpose of this chapter, a missionary appointment 
is one in which a pastor is so designated. 

Beginning about 1855 the Oregon Conference began to appoint 
men to exclusively missionary assignments. Thus in 1855 Josiah L. 
Parrish was appointed Missionary to the Indians, 23 distinctly a 
home field to which many others have been assigned. 

Missionary appointments have been many and miscellaneous. 
Though the first attempt at establishing a mission in Japan by Rev. 
L. T. Woodward in 1859 did not materialize, as we have noted, others 
who were accepted by the Mission Board and appointed by the 
Bishop from the Oregon Conference went out under the auspices of 
the Board of Missions. For instance, in 1866, William Roberts was 
named Superintendent of the Idaho Missions, continuing for three 
years in that position; in 1882 Rev. C. J. Larsen was appointed to 
form a Scandinavian Mission and in 1888 Frederick Bonn was sent 
to organize the German Mission. In 1889 Rev. J. R. Hammond was 
called to the Nevada Mission, where he served one year, came back 
to Oregon for the same length of time and later returned to Nevada. 
In that year also (1889) , Rev. J. J. Walter was appointed Superin- 
tendent of the Alaska Mission. In 1900 two missionaries were named 
from the Oregon Conference: J. J. Walter was returned to Alaska 
and W. F. McClure went to Nevada. The latter, having been elected 
to full membership in the Conference in 1899, had apparently been 
appointed missionary to Alaska. He was not so listed, however. 

The next appointment of missionaries from the Oregon Confer- 
ence was in 1903, when John Parsons was sent to serve as Superin- 
tendent of the Alaska Mission, along with L. F. Pedersen. Dr. Par- 
sons served for ten years in that capacity; Rev. Pedersen served for 
four years as missionary to Alaska from the Oregon Conference be- 
fore transferring into the Puget Sound Conference. An after-Con- 
ference appointment was made in 1903, when Dr. H. J. Talbott was 
sent to the Utah Mission where he served until 1908. In 1905 C. E. 



Cline was appointed Superintendent of the Kalispell Mission, serv- 
ing one year. Rev. A. S. Mulligan filled an appointment to the 
Nevada Mission from 1903 to 1907. In 1907 Dr. F. B. Short, who had 
been for three years Pastor of the First Methodist Church in Portland, 
was named Missionary to Utah, but in his ministerial record it is 
reported that he was Pastor of the Methodist Church at Salt Lake City 
— while still a member of the Oregon Conference. In that same year 
H. W. Swartz was designated Missionary to Japan, where he served 
until 1922. However, the later years of his ministry were spent, in 
part at least, in the Japanese Mission on our own Pacific Coast. 
Tetsuji Kitizawi, also was chosen to the Pacific Japanese Mission, a 
position he occupied until 1911. H. T. Atkinson was another Mis- 
sionary to Alaska, serving from 1907 to 1911. C. E. Crandall was, in 
1907, designated "Missionary in the Black Hills," seemingly a nom- 
inal appointment only, for at the end of two years he apparently with- 
drew from the Conference. Though no record was made of the fact, 
he so informed the author of this sketch. 

In 1908 a "Sunday School Missionary" was appointed, in the person 
of Dr. J. T. Abbett. That same year Rev. C. O. Beckman was made 
"Missionary in the New Mexico English Mission," where he served 
for 8 years. Rev. F. V. Fisher, who was the host Pastor of the Oregon 
Conference at Hillsboro, in 1910 was that same year sent as "Mis- 
sionary in Utah." In 1911 two more missionaries were appointed to 
Alaska, C. H. Baldwin and R. C. Blackwell. Rev. Baldwin served two 
years, and Rev. Blackwell, after serving the same length of time, was 
made Superintendent of the Mission, a position he filled for another 
four years. In 1912 C. W. Pogue and J. H. Westervelt were selected 
Missionaries to the Nevada Mission. Rev. Pogue served one year, Rev. 
Westervelt, until 1917, when he took a year's leave of absence — but 
his name appeared no more on the rolls of the Conference. In 1913 
two more missionaries were sent to Alaska: J. J. Patton and C. T. 
Cook. Rev. Cook served in this capacity for three years, Rev. Patton 
for five years. When their terms of service were ended they returned 
to the Oregon Conference. G. W. Wentzell was, in 1914, appointed a 
Missionary to Nevada. He served in this capacity for five years, and 
then located at his own request. 

1915 was a banner year for missionary appointments from the 
Oregon Conference. The following, already in the field, were reap- 
pointed: John Parsons, J. J. Patton, C. T. Cook, C. W. Pogue, H. W. 
Swartz, C. O. Beckman, J. H. Westervelt. Another was added to the 
list — Wm. H. Fry was made Superintendent of the Hawaii Mission. 
Also, in this same year, Phillip Deschner was named Superintendent 



of the Portland Industrial Home, an institution conducted by the 
W.H.M.S. He served in that capacity for one year. 

In 1916 the name of C. M. Van Marter was added to the roll of 
those already in Alaska; and, in addition to those already in the 
Nevada Mission, C. E. Curtis was named. Rev. Van Marter served 
eight years as a Missionary to Alaska from the Oregon Conference 
before transferring to the Puget Sound Conference. C. E. Curtis, 
after serving two more years, was compelled to withdraw on account 
of ill health. 

No additional missionary appointments were made from the Ore- 
gon Conference until 1942 when Marion Kumler was sent as a Mis- 
sionary to India, where he served for five years. In 1947 Oscar A. 
Olson was named to the Alaska Mission Conference, but with his 
membership still in the Oregon organization. He labored for nine 
years on what was his second appointment in Alaska, having served 
a non-conference two year term before coming to the Oregon Con- 
ference. Finally, he returned to Oregon. In 1949 F. Gene Elliott was 
designated a Missionary in the Alaska Mission Conference, con- 
tinuing to the present time. 

In 1951 David Bauman was appointed Missionary to India, where, 
after serving one year as an appointee of the Oregon Conference, he 
transferred to the Gujarat Conference. In 1952 Warren C. Thomas 
and William D. Bray were called to missionary work, the former to 
the Hawaiian Mission Conference, and the latter to be Professor at 
Kwansei Gakuin University in Japan. They were both serving in 
these positions at this writing. 


Indian Missions 

J. L. Parrish (1854-57), J. H. Wilbur (1860-70, 1871. He trans- 
ferred to the Puget Sound Conference at its organization, and con- 
tinued as an Indian Missionary for many years) , T. F. Royal (1876- 
79, 1884) , L. M. Nickerson (1884-85) , N. M. Skipworth (1885-86) , 
D. L. Spaulding (1891-1893), R. C. Ellsworth (1916-17), Thomas 
Starns (1893-94) , S. M. Potter (1894-1896) , Allen C. Wilcox (1944 


Those who have served at one of the stations on the Klamath or 
the Siletz Indian Reservations are as follows: 

Thomas Pearne (Indian), (1869-73), Geo. Watters (Indian), 
(1869-73) , John Howard (1870-73) , W. C. Chattin (1867-68, 1873) , 
W. H. Myers (1896-98) , T. F. Royal (1876-78) , J. S. McCain (1880- 



81) , E. C. Graff (1897-1900) , E. H. Bryant (1899-1903) , Donald Mc- 
Lachlan (1900-01), A. M. Brisbin (1901-02), J. L. Beatty (1902- 
1904, 1909) , J. M. Sweeney (1904-05) , D. G. Stephens (1904-1905) , 
P. J. Rinehart (1905-07), H. L. Grafious (1907-10), W. T. Pearce 
(1907-08), R. J. Ferguson (1908-09), J. W. Warrell (1911-14), 
C. C. Coop (1914-15) , G. C. Scudder (1915-16) , C. J. Searles (1916- 
17, C. G. Morris (1915-17) , Walter Ross (1917-21) , R. T. Cooking- 
ham (1919-22), C. W. Pogue (1921-23) , Edgar Kendall (1922-24), 
E. A. Mcintosh (1923-27) , Henry Weiss (1924-25) , J. D. Cain (1924- 
25) , D. C. Poindexter (1925-28) , G. A. Gray (1926-27) , F. L. Moore 
(1927-30), Earl B. Cotton (1928-31), B. V. Bradshaw (1931-44), 
G. A. Garboden (1931-34), R. A. Feenstra (1933-38), H. H. Miles 
(1936-40), Ormal B. Trick (1940), W. J. Douglass (1940-42), 
James Wilson (1942-50) , Harley Zeller (1944— to date) , Ben Brown- 
ing (1950-53) , Wm. H. Lavely (1953— to date) . 

Japanese Missions 

H. W. Swartz (1907-18) , Tetsuji Kitizawa (1907-11) , William D. 
Bray (1952— to date) . 

Chinese Mission 

William Roberts (1879-1891) , James F. S. Wang (1881-83) , Chan 
Hon Fan (1886-89) , Chan Sing Kai (1902-13) , C. E. Cline (1897-99) , 
C.A.Lewis (1899-1902). 

Idaho Mission 

William Roberts (1866-69). 

Nevada Mission 

J. R. Hammond (1891-92), W. F. McClure (1891-1902), A. S. 
Mulligan (1903-04), C. W. Pogue (1911-12), J. H. Westervelt 
(1912-17) , G. W. Wentzell (1914-19) , C. E. Curtis (1916-18) . 

Norwegian-Danish Mission 

C. J. Larsen (1882-92) , John Jacobson (1887-92) , John L. Erick- 
son (1890-92), Olans Holverson (1889-92), John C. Paulsen (1889- 

Alaska Mission 

C. J. Larsen (1898-99), J. J. Walter (1899-1901), John Parsons 
(1903-13), L. F. Pedersen (1903-07), H. T. Atkinson (1907-11), 
C. H. Baldwin (1911-13), R. C. Blackwell (1913-17), J. J. Patton 



(1913-18), C. T. Cook (1913-16), C. M. VanMarter (1916-24), 
Oscar A. Olson (1940-42, 47-50) , F. Gene Elliott (1949) . 

Utah Mission 

H. J. Talbott (1903-07) , F. B. Short (1907-13) , F. V. Fisher (1910- 

German Mission 
FederickBonn (1880-87). 

Missionary to the Black Hills 
C. E. Crandall (1907-09) . 

Hawaiian Mission 

William H. Fry (1914-24), Warren C. Thomas (1954—) . 

Kalispel Mission 

C. E. Cline (1905-06) . 


Marion Kumler (1941-53) , David Bauman (1951-52). 

In 1908 Dr. J. T. Abbett, a beloved member of the Oregon Con- 
ference, who had served several important charges in the Confer- 
ence, was appointed Sunday School Missionary for the Oregon Con- 
ference. This position he held for two years, and then was named 
District Superintendent. The objective of the work was "to found 
Sunday Schools in neglected and needy places in the State of Oregon 
and to go into the fields white already to harvest." The work was at 
this time headed by Edgar Blake, afterward Bishop. 

If Dr. Abbett made a summary of his work at the end of his first 
year, it is not recorded in the Journal; but at the end of his second 
year he made an exhausive report, noting that he had traveled 
7,523 miles during the year, organized 23 Sunday Schools, and added 
800 to the Sunday School enrollment of the Conference. 24 

Dr. Abbett laid down the work in 1910; and it was 1913 before 
M. B. Parounagian was named Sunday School Missionary. Rev. 
Parounagian was an Armenian with an accent that sometimes made 
understanding difficult; but he was a full-fledged and enthusiastic 
member of the Oregon Conference, a fervent and energetic worker 
in the field. 

At the end of his first year he made a report to the Conference 



which reads like one which an old-time Circuit Rider might have 
made. We record a part of it here: 

Mountains and canyons, good roads and bad roads, by train and by 
stage, afoot and in mud ankle-deep or hot and dusty travel; over 
suspension bridges on hands and knees; ferrying rivers and fording 
creeks looking down from precipices 400 feet high in the rural districts, 
and in the cities, I have seen things. 

... I have traveled 12,000 miles by rail and stage, not counting the 
miles on foot and otherwise. Preached sermons and made addresses, 
374. Resuscitated eight dead churches, organized three new ones, or- 
ganized thirty-five new schools and reorganized four. The most of these 
are under the care of the hard-working, self-sacrificing pastors of neigh- 
boring charges. Four or five of these schools are sickly and may die, 
but not with my consent. I will do my best to keep them alive with the 
use of stimulant and oxygen. . . 

In our special revival meetings and ordinary services 103 persons have 
professed conversion, thirty-two have been baptized by me by sprinkling 
or immersion and ninety-six persons joined our Church. For these I 
thank God, giving him the glory, and take courage to go on to greater 

M. B. Parounagian. 25 

The next year the Sunday School Missionary's report to the Con- 
ference was simply filed with the Secretary but not printed in the 
Journal. However, Rev. Parounagian was reappointed. 

In 1918 he reported 14,782 miles traveled, 252 sermons and ad- 
dresses delivered in 148 communities, 23 conversions, 24 new Sunday 
Schools organized and 8 reorganized. 26 

His report to the Conference of 1917 also is worthy of record here: 

Organized fifteen schools with 459 members and resuscitated nine. 
Organized and forwarded to Chicago the applications for thirty-nine 
organized classes and three Teachers Training classes. Opened up one 
of our old Church buildings which was closed for the past fifteen years. 
. . . Fourteen were converted in our meetings and many expressed a de- 
sire to lead a better life. The above number of converts all joined our 
various churches. I have baptized five during the year and administered 
the Sacrament of the Lord's Supper six times. — visited 410 families and 
153 different communities, and preached or addressed 28 times. I have 
held twenty-two meetings with Sunday School workers, — I have 
traveled . . . 372 miles on foot, 920 miles by stage and vehicle, and 
16,659 miles by rail, a total of 17,951 miles. 2 ? 

In 1920 Rev. Parounagian was appointed "Oregon Conference 
Superintendent of Sunday Schools," a title which indicates a change 



in emphasis. But it is easier to change a name, and even easier to 
change the appointed task, than it is to change the man who is to 
perform the task. Rev. Paroimagian regarded himself as doing pioneer 
missionary work in the special field of Sunday School evangelism, a 
work for which he was especially suited. Being now under the direct 
supervision of the Board of Sunday Schools, and subsidized by that 
Board (with headquarters in Chicago) , his work was being shifted 
from the work of evangelism, with which he was familiar, to the field 
of religious education for which he was not so well adapted. 

Rev. Parounagian rendered his final report to the Conference of 
1921, a part of which we record here: 

Following is a summary of the eight years' work in this field: Within 
mounds [bounds] of the Conference are 73 communities in which 
there is a either Sunday School, a preaching service, a reopened or 
new church building, and in some places all of these. Approximately 
300 additions to church membership. 28 

The Conference, not unmindful of the faithful work of its Sun- 
day School Missionary and the Committee on Sunday Schools, gave 
this tribute to Rev. Parounagian upon his retirement from that 
strenuous task: 

Whereas, M. B. Parounagian has labored so faithfully for the past 
eight years as Superintendent of Sunday Schools for the Oregon Con- 
ference, during that time traveling hundreds of thousands of miles, 
organizing scores of Sunday Schools, forming classes in teacher train- 
ing, holding revival meetings, opening up new fields, reopening aban- 
doned churches, and establishing during the past eights [sic] years 
seventy-three permanent organizations. 

Therefore, be it resolved, that we express our appreciation and grati- 
tude for the valuable services he has rendered the Church in a difficult 
and fruitful field. 

F. M. Jasper, 
F. E. Finley, 
C. L. Dark, 
C. G. Morris, 

A. C. Brackenbury. 2 ^ 

The emphasis, we repeat, had been changing during the eight years 
that Rev. Parounagian was Sunday School Missionary and Superin- 
tendent of Sunday Schools for the Conference. This was due more to 
a changed view at national headquarters than to any local desire. The 
work was put into the hands of Rev. Franklin M. Jasper, a man of 



equal earnestness and devotion, but with an entirely different temper- 
ament and a somewhat divergent theological outlook. 

The altered nature of the work, as indicated by the new title, con- 
tinued during Rev. Jasper's term of office. It is significant that, after 
two years, his title was "Conference Supervisor of Religious Educa- 
tion." So the office of Sunday School Missionary fades out, and the 
work of Religious Education grows therefrom. 

The first regularly appointed Missionary of the Methodist Episco- 
pal Church seems to have been John Stewart, a mulatto, part Indian 
and part Negro. He was a layman when he began, some time before 
1819, to preach to the Indians of Upper Sandusky. He applied for, 
and received, a local preacher's license, and in 1819, "at the session 
of the Ohio Annual Conference the first appointment by the Meth- 
odists of a Missionary, officially designated as such," was made. 30 
When the General Conference met in 1820, among the items on its 
crowded agenda was the organization of the Board of Missions, whose 
history Dr. Barclay has chronicled. We need only treat the celebra- 
tion of those events one hundred years later, especially as they have 
to do with the Oregon Conference. 

The General Conference of 1916, in anticipation of the centennial 
of Methodist Missions, launched the movement that led to the Cen- 
tenary celebration. Though our Conference met in October that 
year, nothing was said of the coming celebration of sufficient im- 
portance to be recorded in the Conference Journal. But in 1917, our 
Conference Board of Home Missions and Church Extension included 
in its report a significant item: 

That endorsement be given the Home Mission Board's plans for the 
Centenary celebration and that the agreement providing for division 
of increases in collections for 1918 and 1919 be adopted by the Con- 
ference. 31 

Shortly afterward publicity began to be sent to the Bishops, District 
Superintendents and Pastors regarding the coming Centenary and 
its celebration. There was to be a great pageant, "The Wayfarer," in 
Chicago, and a great out-pouring of Missionary giving by the whole 
of Methodism. In fact the goal was set at the staggering sum of 
$100,000,000, to be raised over a period of 5 years. This money was 
to be used, however, not simply for missions in the ordinary sense, 
but for the building throughout Methodism of churches, recreation 
halls and other facilities which would help to make the Church more 
effective in advancement of the Kingdom. Churches throughout the 
denomination were urged to send to Centenary headquarters de- 



scriptions of their needs in order that each church might be fully 
equipped. These estimates were used in setting the goal for the cam- 
paign. In addition, teams of speakers were sent to the various Con- 
ferences to describe the program more fully, and to stimulate interest 
in the project. 

By the autumn of 1918 Centenary enthusiasm was beginning to be 
felt throughout the Church. In Oregon, a Centenary Anniversary 
was held on Friday evening of Conference. At this service J. J. King- 
man, a missionary to India, spoke on Stewardship, and Mark Free- 
man gave a stereopticon lecture on "Foreign Missions and the 
Centenary." Rev. A. L. Howarth, who had been transferred into the 
Oregon Conference for the purpose, was appointed Executive Sec- 
retary of the Centenary Commission for the Portland Area. The next 
year, not only was Dr. Howarth continued in that office, but H. C. 
Burkholder was added to the force with a specially designated pro- 
motional task in connection with what was called, "Centenary Con- 
tinuation Movement." 

But Centenary enthusiasm had its ominous shadows, too. It must 
be remembered that the effort came in the midst of World War I, 
and that, though money seemed easier to raise than at any time in 
the past, there were certain disturbing features. As the Committee on 
the State of the Church said: 

. . . Clearly now, it is Christ or Chaos. . . With the disclosure that 
our Spring Conferences had a loss in membership of more than 12,000, 
besides twenty-five effective ministers, with a corresponding depletion 
of Sunday School Scholars and Epworth Leaguers; the Fall Confer- 
ences showing a similar trend; and all in the face of the astounding 
money gifts for the kingdom's program, hints strongly the question 
whether the church itself is not in peril. Certainly a church decreasing 
in ministerial force and membership is not in the best trim for 
aggression at the front. 

Our losses may in a measure be accounted for by the Centenary 
financial drive exacting the time and efforts of the ministry, [sic] 
with the spiritual life of the church clogged by machinery. . .32 

The Centenary was a glorious success from the standpoint of rais- 
ing an unprecedented amount of money for missions, and also from 
the standpoint of stimulating and encouraging the building and 
equipping of church buildings at home and abroad. Subscriptions to 
the amount of, not the $100,000,000 goal which had been set, but 
$125,000,000 were obtained from enthusiastic subscribers. Pledges 
were to be paid in five annual installments. A certain proportion of 
the subscribers, however, got the idea that the great spasm of mis- 



sionary giving, designed for projects right in their own community, 
was to be the last such solicitation. They seemed to believe that the 
world could be Christianized, and the church established on a firm 
foundation that would need no further shoring up — if only the 
specified amount were raised. 

It is probable that the leaders of the Centenary movement fully 
understood that it would be harder to collect the Centenary pledges 
than the enthusiasm of the campaign seemed to indicate. Apparently, 
even with fingers crossed, they were too optimistic. At least, it turned 
out that way; and as early as 1919 it became necessary to pay very 
close attention to the matter of collections. 

No Committee on "Conservation and Advance" is listed for that 
year, but such a committee had a fully-worked-out program to pre- 
sent to the Conference of 1920. And the Committee on the State of 
the Church also emphasized the importance of continuing the pro- 
gram begun in the Centenary. After the Centenary had run for four 
years the Committee on Conservation and Advance submitted this 

. . . On May 31 of the current year, being the close of the fourth year 
of the Centenary, there is an arrearage on the apportionments of 
$58,180 in the Eastern District, $68,061 in the Portland District, $42,- 
243 in the Salem District, and $75,902 in the Southern District, a total 
of $244,386. This amount, plus $134,00, the apportionment for the 
fifth year, less $25,737, the estimated amount paid since May 31, leaves 
a balance of $352,649, the sum still due on apportionments. 33 

The shortages had serious results, both at home and abroad. Among 
the unfortunate features of the Centenary movement were many dis- 
appointments incident to the raising of hopes in perfect confidence 
that funds would be forthcoming to fulfill them. When the funds 
did not come, the people of those mission stations felt that America 
had let them down. As the Committee on Conservation and Advance 
wrote in 1922: 

. . . There has been much unwarranted criticism which has encouraged 
the breaking of contracts with God and the failure to pay Centenary 
pledges. We face at this time an extraordinary cut in the appropria- 
tions for the work outlined by our major boards. There are un- 
finished buildings and bandoned projects in our mission fields. Our 
missionaries are disappointed. Anxious multitudes in far off lands 
who have met their full obligations based upon our promises to them, 
are questioning the sincerity of American Christianity, which promised 
so much and failed to pay. The need is as great and the opportunity 
as wonderful as when the Centenary movement was launched and we 
pledged to pay our share and do our full part in the great enterprise. 34 



Desperate attempts to secure the payment of pledges, that the 
plighted word of the Church might be kept, were not entirely suc- 
cessful. Nevertheless, there is no doubt that the total advance on the 
missionary field was very much greater than it would have been with- 
out the Centenary. 

Under the stimulus of the Centenary movement, giving to missions 
and other causes of the church was also greatly increased. Total 
disciplinary giving in the Oregon Conference increased from $37,186 
in 1917 to $123,259 in 1920, and a Grand Total of benevolent giv- 
ing increased from $66,614 in 1917 to $171,975 in 1920. Centenary 
items were not yet listed in the Conference statistics. 

Beginning with 1921, returns from the "Centenary and Appor- 
tioned Benevolences" were tabulated and figures were continued for 
four years during which time the churches raised $275,831. In con- 
nection with that sizeable amount, it is to be noted, however, that 
total disciplinary giving was somewhat smaller at the end of the 
period than it had been at the beginning. Yet the Grand Total of all 
benevolent giving increased from $171,975 in 1920 to $290,619 in 
1925. Much of this was for aid to church building projects, payment 
of debts, and other advancements which were part of the original 
plan of the Centenary. 

When we talk of the disappointments on the mission field because 
of the failure of the American Church to pay its Centenary pledges, 
we must not forget that there were disappointments and some re- 
criminations on the home front, too. Churches were encouraged to 
build, or to build more elaborately "for the future" by the hope, if 
not the definite promise, of Centenary funds to pay a considerable 
portion of the cost. It was, in most cases, impossible to fix definitely 
the responsibility for the arousing of hopes that could not be ful- 
filled. Sometimes over-eager solicitors for Centenary Subscriptions 
had made unwise representations, or even promises that they were 
not authorized to make. Sometimes District Superintendents and 
even Bishops had expressed their enthusiasms as to what the Cente- 
nary would do for a church in such a way that their remarks were 
interpreted as promises. Many were the bitter recriminations when 
it was learned that the enthusiastic predictions could not be fulfilled. 
For years afterward, representatives of the Board of Home Missions 
and Church Extension were kept busy for a considerable portion of 
their time trying to pacify irate Official Boards who thought they had 
been deceived, and in trying to save situations all over the country 
which had become deeply involved financially because of promises 
which turned out to be nebulous. Indeed, so many and so grievous 



were the disappointments that many people were convinced of the 
failure of the whole Centenary movement. 

That was a hasty conclusion. The total effect of the drive cannot be 
tabulated, of course. None but God himself can accurately assess 
failures and successes. But because churches were built, and mis- 
sionary giving was stimulated throughout the Church, many things 
were done which could not otherwise have been attempted. 

In pre-Centenary days, Methodists were asked to contribute to 
many benevolent causes, a mere enumeration of which makes a very 
imposing list. There were: the Board of Foreign Missions, the Board 
of Home Missions and Church Extension, the Freedmen's Aid So- 
ciety, the Board of Sunday Schools, the Board of Education, the 
American Bible Society, the Board of Temperance, Prohibition and 
Public Morals, the General Deaconess Board, the Woman's Foreign 
Missionary Society, and the Central Office of the Epworth League. 
And we may add the benevolences ordered by the Annual Conference 
such as: Educational Endowments and Special Gifts, Near East Re- 
lief, and several other special items of temporary interest. 

One result of the Centenary movement was a simplification of the 
benevolence program, and the grouping of most of the causes spon- 
sored and authorized by the General Conference under one heading: 
Centenary and Apportioned Benevolences. Though other giving 
was still ordered by the Annual Conference, benevolent interests 
were generally assigned certain definite percentages of the total in- 
cluded under the comprehensive title. Needless to say, the great 
simplification was most welcome; on the other hand, the change did 
make it so difficult for some to give to their own favorite benevolences 
that a new classification had to be created: Special Gifts. After the 
end of Centenary period (1925), the term "World Service" came 
into use, covering many benevolence items on a pro-rata basis which 
was determined by the General Conference. 

The Centenary movement brought in, in actual cash, $68,000,000 
in addition to contributions to local projects that were thereby stimu- 
lated. In recognition of resultant raised standards of missionary serv- 
ice, the World Service Commission was organized at the General 
Conference of 1924, to carry on the missionary program of an 
awakened Methodism around the world. Headquarters were to be 
in Chicago. In addition to secretaries of various benevolent boards, 
the Commission consisted of 65 persons, representing all of the 
Episcopal areas in Methodism. Provision was also made for a World 
Service Council in every Conference, in addition to the Boards of 
Foreign Missions, Home Missions and Church Extension — arrange- 



ments that still persist. However, the World Service Council was 
changed in 1940 and combined with the Commission on Finance, 
to form the present Commission on World Service and Finance. 

The name given the new program is significant, stating as it does 
the intention of Methodist planners. The Committee on World 
Service that reported to the 1924 session of the Oregon Conference 
stated its purposes and ideals very well when they said: 

The Centenary planted the standards of Methodism on the needs of 
the world. . . 

Our benevolent organization is now stripped to campaign equip- 
ment. . . The question now before our church is, shall the Methodists 
be true to the visions they have had, to the promises they have made 
and to the actual agreements entered into with missionaries who have 
given their lives as their part of the contract and are now expecting 
us to do our part? 

The World Service Commission was organized by the General Con- 
ference of 1924 to meet the Methodist's responsibility for the needs 
of the world. . , 35 

World Service funds could be sent directly to the various causes 
recognized by the General Conference, or they could be sent to the 
Conference Treasurer, and forwarded by him. But all the various 
causes recognized by the General Conference under the World Serv- 
ice program were allocated agreed upon percentages. 

There were other projects which were not included in this World 
Service program, such as those authorized by, or ordered by the 
Annual Conference: Endowment for Willamette University, or 
funds for paying the debt on Marshfield Hospital, or for a confer- 
ence or city Missionary and Church Extension Society, or for a num- 
ber of lesser items. 

After the Centenary was over, miscellaneous "other causes" again 
came more and more into prominence, continuing to multiply until 
at Conference of 1956 there were: World Service Special Gifts, Gen- 
eral Advance Specials, Week of Dedication, Fellowship of Suffering 
and Service, Conference Advance specials, Woman's Division of 
Christian Service, Methodist Student Day, Church School Rally Day, 
Methodist Youth Fund, Race Relations Sunday, Colleges, Wesley 
Foundation, Blue Cross, Pension Fund, Forward Movement, District 
Advance, and Other Benevolences! 

Surely Methodism operates a World Church in the sense of having 
a concern for practically every sufferer, and every need of mankind 
throughout the world. The high water mark for benevolent giving 



of the Oregon Conference, to date, was in 1955, when $354,592 was 
given for the total program at home and abroad, plus $2,533,204 for 
salaries of Pastors and their Assistants, District Superintendents, 
Bishops, General, Jurisdictional, and Conference Administration, 
Conference Claimants, Buildings and Improvements, the payment of 
debts, the Minimum Salary Fund, etc. 

From the very beginning of Oregon Methodism, the Conference 
had been consulted about such things as loans and gifts to local 
churches, both for the building and repair or improvement of 
church properties, and the clearing up of indebtedness. The Board of 
Home Missions and the Presiding Elder, or District Superintendent, 
had great influence in determining where, and in what amounts, help 
should come to churches within the bounds of the Conference. But 
the final decision in these matters was in the hands of General Con- 
ference officers, notably the executives of the Board of Home Mis- 
sions and Church Extension. 

The General Conference of 1940 radically revised this procedure. 
In that year a Commission on World Service and Finance was set 
up, with provision that each Annual Conference should have a Com- 
mission on World Service and Finance, whose duties would be not 
only to raise missionary money and send it to the Board of Missions, 
but to apportion the amount raised to various objectives within the 
Conference. No longer was the Annual Conference to look to the 
General Board of Home Missions and Church Extension for help, 
but rather, the officers of the Conference were to have control of an 
agreed-upon percentage of Conference receipts. 

In 1940, the General Conference Commission on World Service 
and Finance apportioned to the Oregon Conference $51,550 for 
World Service. The Conference Commission on World Service and 
Finance recommended an additional Conference Benevolence budget 
of $15,500. Its report includes a revolutionary recommendation: 

The World Service Apportionments and the Conference Benevolence 
askings shall be combined in the Local Church Benevolence Budget, 
and all money raised for the World Service, and, or Benevolences, in- 
cluding Sunday School offerings, Rally Day, Christmas, Easter, and 
other special offerings, unless otherwise specifically designated by the 
donors, shall be shared pro-rata between the Conference Benevolence 
Budget and World Service, on the following ratios: 35% to Annual 
Conference Benevolences; 65% to World Service. 

Joseph Knotts, Chairman 
Ernest W. Peterson, Secretary 36 


The Commission did not go into detail regarding the distribution 
of the funds included in the 35% of the total budget which was to 
be spent for local or Conference projects. The 1941 report of the 
Committee was more definite. That year they specifically provided 
for expenditures, however, not on the basis of 35% and 65%, but 
on the basis of 39% for Conference work and 61% for World Serv- 
ice. Conference projects were to be apportioned as follows: 

Christian Education 20.3% or $ 2,850 

Conf. Expense Fund 14.7% or 2,064 

Wesley Foundation 17.8% or 2,500 

Sustentation Fund 10. % or 1,404 

Conf. Building Fund 10.7% or 1,500 

Lay Activities Board 1. % or 140 

Dist. Miss'y. and Education Fund 25.5% or 3,582 37 

100.0% $14,040 

It will be noted, of course, that the list included only local causes, 
which had to be taken out of the 39% of the total raised, rather than 
from the 41% set aside for World Service. Such has been the practice 
from that time to the present, except that the provisions have been 
extended more specifically to cover District Superintendents' salaries, 
their house rent; the setting up and maintaining of a Conference Ad- 
ministration Fund of $19,019, separate and distinct from that of the 
District Superintendents; and a department of World Service and 
Conference Benevolences in which are the following items: Co- 
ordinating Council, Board of Missions, Commission on Town and 
Country Work, District Superintendents, Promotional Work, Oregon 
Council of Churches, Board of Temperance, Board of Ministerial 
Training, Area Commission on Promotion and Cultivation, Board 
of Social and Economic Relations, and the Oregon Conference His- 
torical Society. 

It becomes evident that, if the Centenary succeeded in grouping 
many causes into one, the process of proliferation was only tem- 
porarily stayed. Soon in full swing again, confusing multiplicity has 
now gone very far indeed. Truly, careful study should be given to 
activities and askings for various causes, followed by a careful pres- 
entation to the Conference and a frank and open consideration by 
that body, to the end that all might share fully and fairly in the 
bounty provided by a growingly missionary-conscious church. Com- 
mendably, for the purpose of coordinating the work of various boards 
and agencies and seeing that each received its proper share of reco°ni- 



tion and support in the on-going Church, an Inter-Board Council 
was formed. 

It is manifestly impossible, in a treatise such as this, to give a de- 
tailed history of the various missionary projects and activities men- 
tioned above. But a little explanation is due regarding provisions for 
the promotion of missions, as well as of the coordinating organization. 
Inter-Board committees have, since 1940, been operating on a Gen- 
eral Conference level with respect to such matters as Lay Activities, 
Missionary Education, Town and Country Work, but they have not 
all worked together as one body. The idea of an Inter-Board Council 
on the Annual Conference level seems not to have been adopted in 
Oregon until 1945. However, since that time, the fact that the im- 
portance of its deliberations and decisions has been more and more 
appreciated, is evidenced by the reports of the Inter-Board Council, 
the purposes of which were quite well defined in 1947: 

... to cordinate better the program and activities of the Board of 
Education, the Board of Evangelism, the Board of Lay Activities, and 
the Board of Missions and Church Extension. . . 

. . . the Inter-Board Council be continued as an integrating agency for 
the educational and evangelism program of the conference. . . 38 

The next year (1948) the composition and scope of the Inter- 
Board Council was enlarged, and provision was made for the Coun- 
cil to be composed of the Bishop; three members of the Board of Ed- 
ucation; three members of the Board of Missions and Church Exten- 
sion; two members of the Board of Evangelism; two members of the 
Conference Woman's Society of Christian Service; two members of 
the Board of Lay Activities; one member each of the Board of Min- 
isterial Training, The Board of Conference Claimants, the Board of 
Temperance, the Conference Youth Fellowship, the Committee on 
World Peace, the Commission on Town and Country Work, and the 
Board of Hospitals and Homes; and the District Superintendents. 

At the Conference of 1949, a further step was taken in the develop- 
ment of the Inter-Board Council and its work with the adoption of 
the plan by which office secretaries Pearl Sherlock, Dorothy Harding, 
and Martha Bacheller were employed by the Inter-Board Council 
rather than by the Board of Education. In 1955 the work of the Coun- 
cil was further organized by the coming of Dr. Ernest F. Harold and 
his appointment as Executive Director of the Oregon Conference 

At the Conference of 1956 the development was carried a step 
further by the adoption of the recommendation of the Inter-Board 



that the Conference Coordinating Council should take the place of 
the Inter-Board, and that a handbook should be compiled containing 
a time schedule for the doing of almost everything pertaining to the 
work of every Board and Commission. Furthermore, it was recom- 
mended that the Executive Director of the Oregon Conference Inter- 
Board Council should be, practically, the director of the activities of 
every Board and Commission. However, this was not to take place un- 
less each agency so elected. 

The Conference Coordinating Council should consist of: 

The Bishop of the Area, the District Superintendents, and members 
of the following group: Conference Board of Pensions (6) , Board of 
Education (3, one MYF) , Board of Evangelism (3) , Board of Lay 
Activities (2, one lay leader), Board of Hospitals and Homes (1), 
Board of Ministerial Training (1) , Board of Missions and Church Ex- 
tension (3) , Board of Temperance (1) , Town and Country Commis- 
sion (1), Board of World Peace (1), Board of Social and Economic 
Relations (1) , Civil Rights Committee (1) , Woman's Society of Chris- 
tian Service (2), Historical Society (1), Rules Committee (1), Mini- 
mum Support Committee (1), Radio and TV. Committee (1), The 
elected officers of the Council and the professional, volunteer, or em- 
ployed staff were members of the Council without vote. Ex Officio: 
Two members from the World Service and Finance Commission, The 
Secretary of the Conference, members-at-large, one Pastor and one lay- 
man from each district. 39 

It will be seen at once that the subject of Missions in the Oregon 
Conference becomes involved inextricably in the matter of Adminis- 
tration. It is not our purpose to elaborate on the matter of growing 
complexity of organization and administration. 

One other development, or phase of the evolution of the missionary 
program of the Conference that must be noted, concerns missionary 
secretaries. The General Conference of 1940 enacted legislation pro- 
viding for the promotion of the cause of Missions throughout the 
Church by setting up a more complete and active organization. It 
ordered that each Annual Conference should elect annually a Con- 
ference Missionary Secretary, and each District should also choose a 
missionary secretary, each of whom was to be subject to assignment 
by the Bishop to work in the Conference and or in the various 
districts in cooperation with the District Superintendents and the 
Conference Missionary Secretary. 40 

In accordance with the provision of the General Conference, Ed- 
ward A. Wolfe was elected Conference Missionary Secretary. The fol- 
lowing were elected District Missionary Secretaries: S. Darlow John- 



son, for the Cascade District, Roy A. Fedje for the Portland District, 
and Ellsworth Tilton for the Salem District. 

Those Missionary Secretaries and their successors in office faith- 
fully performed their appointed duties, and gave their reports to the 
Conference each year, for two quadrenniums. At the General Con- 
ference of 1948 a different arrangement was made when the Confer- 
ence elected a Conference Secretary of Evangelism, a Conference 
Missionary Secretary, a Conference Secretary of Town and Country 
Work, etc., but discontinued the office of District Missionary Secre- 
tary. That the cause of World Service has not been neglected, how- 
ever, is shown by the fact that contributions for that cause have 
gone up year by year until, in 1956, reports showed that $147,476 
was contributed for World Service in the Oregon Conference, be- 
sides all the contributions for local benevolences. 

The Heifer Project Incorporated was initiated soon after World 
War II, out of compassion for the people of the war-devastated coun- 
tries of Europe. It was a non-sectarian, or interdenominational organ- 
ization which sought to enable the people of those countries which 
had had their livestock killed during the war to start over again. 
Young stock was solicited throughout the United States, and gathered 
together by the shipload. Heifers were sent to Germany, goats to 
Japan. Other animals, including poultry, were also shipped. 

The organization was strictly non-profit and interdenominational 
in character. However, Methodists played a leading role. Orville 
Covault, one of our young pastors, was selected to take a load of this 
stock to Europe on one of these trips, being excused from his church 
for that purpose. Furthermore, Methodists were among the most 
liberal contributors to the project, which became indeed, one of the 
missionary projects of the Church. Many church groups such as 
Sunday School classes, or Youth Fellowship groups, each contributed 
enough to buy a heifer, or something of that kind. 

The scope and meaning of the movement, and its careful handling 
is indicated by the report of the "Heifer Project Incorporated" to 
the 1956 session of the Conference, recording its accomplishments 
for the year: 

"In 1955 the Heifer Project Inc. had its greatest year in shipments. A 
total of 895 cattle, 231 milk goats, 62,550 chicks, 63,480 hatching eggs 
and 150 pigs were shipped to 13 different countries — Angola, Austria, 
Ecuador, Germany, Greece, India, Italy, Japan, Korea, Mexico, 
Pakistan, Puerto Rico, and the U. S. . . . 

Since 1944 the HPI has shipped a grand total— up to 1955 of 8,445 
cattle, 6,859 goats, 530 rabbits, 200 hives of bees, 3,000 turkey poults, 



215,260 chicks, 280,560 hatching eggs, 1,060 pigs, 47 horses and 15 
sheep." 41 

Closely related to "Heifers for Relief" and "Heifer Project In- 
corporated" was a program which has been variously titled, starting 
with the Conference of 1948-1949. At first, when it was called the 
"Fellowship of Suffering, Service, and Overseas Relief," the Con- 
ference Treasurer reported gifts of $4,493. The next year the Church 
authorities thought to add aid for Chaplains in the armed services, 
and provision of funds for camp activities of the American boys in 
the service, renaming the benevolence, "Fellowship, Service, Over- 
seas Relief, Chaplains, Camps." The various causes included were to 
share on a pro rata basis. Contributions fell off somewhat, but the 
next year, in spite of the formidable name, receipts rose a little. In 
1953 the name was again changed, being known more simply as "Fel- 
lowship of Suffering and Service." 

With the introduction of provisions under which such offerings 
could either be used to buy U. S. Government surplus commodities, 
or simply to pay the freight on items for the relief of the needy peo- 
ple of Korea and Furope, contributions shot up to almost twice 
what they had been before, rising in 1955 to $7,549. In eight years 
the Oregon Conference contributed $41,627. 

The latest Methodist humanitarian project has been Hungarian 
Relief. It too, is non-sectarian, involving many churches of other de- 
nominations, and people with no church affiliations at all; but since 
Methodist churches have been taking offerings among their people, 
Hungarian Relief can be legitimately reckoned among the missionary 
activities of the Methodist Church. 

After the catastrophic incidents in Hungary (1956-57), and the 
crushing of the revolt by the Russian military might, many thousands 
of the Hungarian people had to leave home, loved ones, all their 
possessions and their native land in order to save their lives, and to 
be able to live as free human beings. The Church has come to the 
rescue with its ministry of compassion, thus supporting efforts of the 
Government and of humanitarian-motivated people of all religous 
faiths, and of no religious faith, to save a brave people from destruc- 

A few other missionary and benevolent projects which are a regular 
part of our Methodist economy are supported only by a portion of the 
Conference. Chief among these have been the City Missionary and 
Church Extension Society, later the Portland District Church Ex- 
tension Society, the Portland Industrial Home, the Portland Settle- 



ment Center, the former Helen Kelly Manley Community Center, 
and Goodwill Industries. Since they are not regular Conference Mis- 
sionary projects, mere mention is all that is here required. 

As early as 1913, provision was made in Conference benevolence 
programs for a city missionary society. Since none of the Districts 
had such an organization, however, except the Portland District, 
operations were at first confined mostly within city limits. In 1913 
nine Portland churches contributed $2,319 for the work of the "City 
Missionary or Church Extension Society." The Society has, since its 
inception, done a very significant work in the city of Portland and, 
more and more, throughout the entire District, sponsoring new 
church projects, helping the weaker ones, and promoting church 
adequacy generally. 

In 1898 a Conference Committee composed of R. E. Dunlap and 
T. L. Jones gave a report in which they recommended that the Con- 
ference request the Woman's Home Missionary Society to establish 
a Refuge Home in connection with our Chinese Mission in Portland. 
The resolution was adopted, but the Society failed to act upon the re- 
quest immediately. At that time, twenty-one industrial homes were 
conducted by the Woman's Home Missionary Society in various parts 
of the country, but none within the Oregon Conference. Such an in- 
dustrial home was a "home away from home" for girls and young 
women, something after the order of the Y.W.C.A. 

In 1912, fourteen years after the resolution was adopted by the 
Conference, the Woman's Home Missionary Society bought an 
Episcopal chapel at Front and Caruthers Streets and turned it into 
a place of refuge, a lodging and a haven in which to find companion- 
ship, recreation and rest. The home had no connection with the 
Chinese Mission, which was about to be closed. Soon the place was 
full to overflowing. A significant work was carried on among the 
underprivileged children of the community and for many girls who 
needed such a home. 

Three years later (1915) Rev. Phillipp Deschner, a young man 
just entering the ministry, was appointed the Superintendent of the 
"Portland Industrial Home" of the W.H.M.S. Some uncertainty ex- 
ists as to the nature of his duties, and regarding the program of the 
institution. There was no organized Church, though he was a mem- 
ber, on trial, of the Conference. Probably there was an orderly and 
gradual development along lines already established for Industrial 
Homes in other Conferences. A little later, there were regular church 
school activities on the Sabbath, week-day church school classes, vaca- 



tion church school, Girl's Reserves, Girl's Gym, Four H Clubs, piano 
lessons, and various kinds of women's meetings. 

When Rev. A. L. Howarth was appointed Superintendent of the 
Portland District in 1924 he found Miss Ollie Davis in charge of the 
Home. Under her urging, Rev. Howarth organized what he termed 
"a Class," and appointed Rev. Geo. C. Todd as Pastor of "South 
Portland." Rev. Todd served this charge three years as Superintend- 
ent of the Industrial Home and Pastor of the South Portland church. 
By a process that seems not to be a matter of record, the Portland 
Industrial Home changed into the "Portland Settlement Center," the 
program of which was exactly the same as before, and the site was 
the same. Here it carried on during the three years of Rev. Todd's 
pastorate, and until a new building was built on a new site, when the 
name was changed again. 

Since Rev. Todd was interested in a type of program somewhat dif- 
ferent from that carried on at the Settlement Center, at the end of 
three years he took the Supernumerary relation with the Conference 
and went east to prepare himself for the kind of work now carried on 
by the Goodwill Industries. 

For some time it had been evident that the facilities at Front and 
Caruthers Streets were inadequate. A new building was needed, with 
more room to carry on the activities that seemed to be imperatively 
needed. The National Woman's Home Missionary Society offered 
the women of the Oregon Conference a gift of S50,000 if they would 
raise a like sum with which to build a new building to cost not less 
than SI 00,000. With this incentive, the Oregon Conference W.H.M.S. 
sought funds to match the generous offer. Although, by the time of 
the 1927 session of the Oregon Conference, they had succeeded in 
raising all but S5,000 of the needed amount in pledges, they came to 
the Conference with the request that they be permitted to present 
their cause to the churches, asking that a committee of ministers be 
appointed to plead for them in the Conference. 

The request was granted, and a committee consisting of the District 
Superintendents, W. W. Youngson, J. C. Harrison, H. V. Wilhelm, 
J. F. Haas, and Geo. V. Fallis was appointed by the Bishop. 42 A year 
later, the Committee reported that the required funds had been 
secured, and that plans were in hand to begin construction. Also, a 
pastor was appointed to "South Portland" in the person of Rev. 
L. C. Poor. 

The new building was not put upon the site of the old one, but 
at a new location about five blocks distant at Front and Hooker 
Streets. The name was changed to "Helen Kelley Manley Commu- 



nity Center," honoring Mrs. A. B. Manley, who had contributed 
$20,000 toward its construction, besides being very active in the 
W.H.M.S. However, the program was practically the same as before 
except for the great enlargement and provision of better facilities. 
At the suggestion of the Bishop, the corner stone of the new building 
was laid by the pastor, Rev. Poor, but Bishop Lowe himself dedicated 
the building on April 7, 1929. 

A fine social, recreational, and religious program was carried on 
at the Helen Kelly Manley Community Center; and the Woman's 
Society of Christian Service, after the organization of that Society, fre- 
quently held its meetings there. Not only was the Center's program 
recognized by our own Church Conference, but by the City of Port- 
land, as one of the important social organizations of the city. In ac- 
knowledgment of this well-deserved standing, the Community Chest 
accepted responsibility for one-fourth of the Center's budget. 

Unfortunately, the State Highway department, in building the 
Harbor Drive and connecting it with the Ross Island bridge, needed 
the site upon which the Helen Kelly Manley Community Center was 
built, and the property was sold to them during the Conference year 
of 1931-32. The assets from the sale of the property were returned 
to the National Woman's Home Missionary Society, in trust for the 
Oregon Conference W.H.M.S., now the Woman's Society of Christian 
Service, to be used in the establishment of another institution of a 
like nature. The art glass windows and some other furnishings were 
taken to furnish a chapel at the Goodwill Industries. 

During the initial years of the operation of this institution it made 
strong appeal to many interested philanthropists. Among them was 
Mrs. Sarah B. Carrier of Salem, who wrote a sizeable bequest into 
her will. At her death, which did not occur until after the property 
was sold, securities to the value of about the same amount as that 
contributed by Mrs. Manley at its beginning, were turned over to 
the Trustees of the Oregon Conference, to be invested by them and 
the proceeds turned over to the Helen Kelly Manley Community 
Center, or its successor, annually. Since at the time of Mrs. Carrier's 
death no such institution was in operation, the funds were kept in 
the hands of the Trustees until such a time as another like institution 
should be officially designated to receive the fund, which was and 
still is, known as the "Sarah B. Carrier Trust Fund." 

For a number of years, the Linnton Methodist Church in North 
Portland had been carrying on a program of a somewhat similar 
nature to that of the defunct Manley Community Center. The Linn- 
ton project, somewhat enlarged, was sponsored by the Woman's So- 



ciety of Christian Service, and by action of the Annual Conference 
and of the Woman's Society of Christian Service, funds from the 
Carrier Trust are now being used to carry on community service in 
connection with the Linnton church. 

We have noted in a previous paragraph that Rev. Geo. C. Todd, 
who was Pastor of the South Portland Methodist Church and Super- 
intendent of the Portland Industrial Home, was the originator of 
the Goodwill Industries in Portland. That statement needs clarifi- 
cation. The project was not a one-man affair. It had its inception in 
the counsel and advice of men who had carefully studied the needs 
and went about meeting them in a systematic way. We quote the 
words of the present director of the Goodwill Industries — Marion 
C. Smith. 

The need for a Goodwill Industries in Portland was first recognized by 
the City Church Extension Society of the Methodist Church in 1926. 
In July of that year, George C. Todd was selected by the Society's 
membership to be the first executive secretary, and arrangements were 
made for him to go east for special study of established Goodwills. 
Six weeks of this time was spent at the Boston Goodwill under Dr. 
E. J. Helms, Founder of the national organization. 

In October, the Executive Committee of the City Church Extension 
Society met in the office of Dr. A. L. Howarth, District Superintendent 
of the Portland District of the Methodist Church, to plan for the 
launching of the new venture, and in December, a dinner meeting was 
held at Sunnyside Methodist Church to launch a financial campaign 
with Marshall Dana as speaker. The Executive Committee sponsoring 
and initiating the Portland Goodwill included J. W. Day, Chairman; 
George C. Todd, Sec'y; Merton DeLong, treasurer; Dr. A. L. Howarth, 
Advisory Chairman; E. S. Collins, Dr. W. E. Kloster, Dr. B. Earle 
Parker, Mrs. M. A. Manley, J. S. Rassmussen, O. C. Bortzmeyer, Dr. 
E. L. Mills, Dr. W. W. Youngson, Dr J. L. Hewett, Amadee Smith, 
and Miss Ollie Grace Davis. 

Following the financial campaign, and a springtime solicitation for 
materials and equipment, the doors of the shop and store were opened 
for business on June 1, 1927, at 581 S. W. First St. Besides Mr. Todd, 
the executive secretary, there were five employees, and a weekly pay- 
roll of $108.00. One truck was donated by Mr. Rassmussen. 

The Goodwill Industries of Oregon was incorporated under the laws 
of the State on July 29, 1927, and affiliated with the Council of 
Churches, January, 1928. A Board of Trustees was elected in February, 
1928, with J. W. Day as its first president. In January, 1929, the growing 
industry became a beneficiary of the Community Chest. 

Disaster struck in January, 1930, when the plant was completely 
destroyed by fire, everything but the office records being lost. The 



business was carried on in three small buildings nearby until a new 
building was located at N. E. 6th and Schuyler. In August, 1930, the 
Goodwill moved into the 2-story and basement brick building pur- 
chased at a cost of $9,500, with improvements of $4,500 and in Feb- 
ruary of the next year, the J. W. Day Chapel was dedicated. 

1931 was a year of expansion. A downtown store was opened at 232 
S. W. Morrison, and another in Lents at S E. 92nd and Woodstock. 
The following year, a fourth store opened in St. Johns. 1931 also saw 
the organization of the Women's Auxiliary, with Mrs. Herbert Temple- 
ton as its first president. Merton DeLong was selected president of the 
Board of Directors of the Goodwill. 

As the depression of the early thirties made the need for Goodwill's 
services greater than ever, a cooperative relief program was worked 
out with the Multnomah County Welfare Association, Veteran's Re- 
lief Bureau, the Jewish Welfare Association and the Red Cross, which 
program was continued until 1937. In June, 1934, George Todd was 
forced to give up his work because of ill health, and Mrs. Todd was 
named acting superintendent. In January, 1935, she was named execu- 
tive secretary. 

In the first five years of Goodwill, volume business doubled. The second 
five-year period saw this figure tripled again in opportunity wages 
paid to the handicapped and needy. The greatest period of growth 
came during the years of the second world war, with business expand- 
ing to five times its 1938 volume in the next five years, and the need 
for more adequate quarters became acute. Also, in June 1943, with 
its finances in a secure position, Goodwill Industries became a non- 
participating member of the Community Chest, and has been self- 
supporting since. 

The donations of the interested friends made possible the purchase 
of a west side building of greatly improved facilities and location in 
1941, and a downtown store was moved to the three-story brick build- 
ing it now occupies at 831, S. W. 1st. Two years later the site of the 
Lents store at S. E. Woodstock was purchased, once again through the 
generosity of friends, thereby reducing rental costs, and increasing the 
physical value of the Goodwill properties. 

1945 marked the purchase of the present plant and store at 512 S. E. 
Mill Street, and in 1946 the building at 6th and Schuyler was sold, 
and the move made to the new location. 1949, the chapel of the new 
building, furnished and equipped by the Women's Auxiliary was 
completed. 1950 marked the paying of the two-millionth payroll dollar 
in opportunity wages. 43 

In January, 1957, the plant of the Goodwill Industries was still 
further enlarged by the acquisition of a two-story concrete and brick 
building on S. W. Grand Ave. just south of the main building of the 
Goodwill plant. 



A few excerpts from the annual reports of the Executive Director 
of this institution are so enlightening that they should be included 

Non-profit, inter-denominational in practice, Methodist in Origin, 
Oregon's workshop for the handicapped turns back every dollar of 
earned income and contributed funds to the expansion and develop- 
ment of services it renders. . . . 

However, assistance given is much more than that of providing jobs 
and wages. It includes aid to restore the physically disabled to useful- 
ness, training to develop use of the remaining limbs, or training one 
limb to do the work of two. It includes religious counselling and wor- 
ship services, occupational training, teaching new skills and develop- 
ing latent talents. 

Goodwill Industries is a business plus. It exists for service, not profit. 
The Goodwill Industries, is a social service plus. It offers not alms, 
but opportunities. Goodwill Industries is a religious organization plus. 
It seeks to serve, irregardless of race or creed or nationality, the needy 
in a practical way. 44 

The report of 1955 reminded the public that Goodwill Industries 
is not "just another social agency." 45 Midyear of 1957, Goodwill In- 
dustries of Oregon completed their thirtieth year of service, helping 
during that time 9,455 people who earned $4,120,878.22. 46 

Item by item, adding up to an enormous total, we have shown how, 
over the years, Oregon Methodists have advanced the Kingdom of 
God. Who can deny credit so obviously due to ministers, missionaries 
and laymen for their extensive, intensive and dedicated labors in a 
productive vineyard? 


Chapter XV 
Expansion, Fragmentation, and Re-Union 

AT FIRST there were few, if any, Methodists aside from the mem- 
bers of the Mission. Probably most of those subsequently re- 
ceived into membership were Indians. As settlers arrived, their 
names were added, until by the time of the founding of the Oregon 
Institute in 1842, Jason Lee was able to call a meeting of the Meth- 
odist Episcopal Church in Oregon for consultation. Both ministers 
and laymen participated. 

Although the growth of the Church may, in a sense, be called 
continuous, events divided its history into fairly distinct periods. 
The coming of white settlers changed an Indian Mission into a 
fundamentally white church. The process was only hastened by the 
dissolution of the former under the superintendency of George 
Gary. At Willamette Falls, (Oregon City) and at Chemeketa 
(Salem) the metamorphosis was demonstrated. 

First Period: 

During the two years of William Roberts' superintendency of 
the Oregon Mission, he began the organization of circuits composed 
of as many preaching places as the pastor could reach at reasonable 
intervals. Salem became the head of one of these Circuits, Oregon 
City of another. The territory that is now Polk, Yamhill, and Wash- 
ington Counties, was called the Yamhill Circuit. There was also a 
rather feeble attempt to organize a circuit on the Lower Columbia, 
with Clatsop as the base of operations. In 1849, when the Oregon 
and California Mission Conference was organized, it was reported 
that Oregon City had 30 full church members and 6 probationers; 
Salem Circuit numbered 109 full members and 25 probationers; the 
Yamhill Circuit claimed 201 full members and 24 probationers; 
Clatsop had 8 full members and 1 probationer. Thus, the total 
church membership in Oregon, at the organization of the Oregon 
and California Mission Conference, was 348 full members and 56 

Appointments created during the days of the Oregon Mission: 

Astoria, which had been listed in 1840, was renewed as an appointment 
in 1850, with no named pastor. 

Clatsop, which was listed as an appointment in 1840 was disbanded by 



George Gary, and again renewed in 1849 but without an appointed 


Oregon City, begun in 1840, was served continuously. 

Salem, active from the very beginning under Jason Lee. 

The Dalles, begun in 1838 as an Indian Mission, sold to Dr. Whitman 

in 1844, but later reclaimed by the Methodists. 

Yamhill Circuit, organized in 1847. 

Second Period: 

At the organization of the Oregon Annual Conference, (1853), 
three districts were represented: "Wallamet District," "Southern 
Oregon" and "Northern Oregon." While until 1849 the work in 
Oregon was concentrated in the Willamette Valley, and to a very 
small extent in the lower Columbia River area, during the four 
years of the existence of the Oregon and California Conference, the 
work spread north and south. 

In the Wallamet District there were nine charges, besides the 
Oregon Institute and Portland Academy, to each of which a member 
of the Conference was appointed. In Southern Oregon there were 
but two charges: Umpqua Mission, and Rogue's River. J. H. Wilbur 
was appointed Superintendent of all Southern Oregon, with the ex- 
pectation that he would organize churches wherever possible. 
"Northern Oregon" was that territory north of the Columbia River, 
including few settlements and requiring but one appointment: "The 
Puget Sound Mission," with Benjamin Close as the Superintendent, 
and Wm. B. Morse as Assistant. Charges added during the period 
of the Oregon and California Mission Conference were: 

*Applegate Creek (1852), a Olympia (1852) 

charge that seemingly never ma- * Puget Sound Missions (1853) 

terialized into a church. 1 *Rogue's River (1853), evidently 

*Calapooia (1850) , a charge that settlements along Rogue River, 

grew into a number of fine Saint Helens (1852) 

churches. *Scottsburgh (1852) 

*Chehalem (1851), seemingly a * Siskiyou Mountain (1852) 

charge only in prospect. * South Umpqua (1852) 

Clackamas (1851) *Spencefs Butte (1852) 

* Columbia River (1850), evi- The Dalles (1850) 

dently settlements along the * Umpqua (1850) 
Columbia. Vancouver (1851) 

Cowlitz (1852) Wasco (1860 

*Grand Dalles (1851) the name * Winchester (1852) 
at that time applied to The 

*McKenzie's Fork (1852), evi- 
dently settlements along the Mc- 
Kenzie River. 



Third Period, 1853-1861, from the organization of the Oregon An- 
nual Conference to the Civil War: 

Church membership had by 1853 grown to 773 full members and 
224 probationers and there were 35 local preachers who took charge 
of the "classes" in the absence of the preacher in charge. If it had 
not been for them, the work on the vastly extended circuits could 
not have been held together and sustained between infrequent 
pastoral visits. It seems that, until 1872, no list of these men was kept 
in the Conference records. The Journal of that year, however, names 
88 local preachers with their addresses. A similar list was printed 
each year thereafter until 1893, when the practice was discontinued. 

Since Oregon Territory, as organized in 1849, contained the 
present states of Washington, Idaho, and more, from the Pacific 
Ocean to the Rocky Mountains, the Oregon Annual Conference in- 
cluded everything in that wide area up to the Canadian boundary. 
Thereafter, until 1873, the Conference Journal listed pastoral ap- 
pointments covering what is now Oregon, Washington, and Idaho. 

From 1853 to the Civil War more than 80 additional pastoral 
charges were added to the list of appointments in the Oregon Con- 
ference. We classify them as follows: 

1. Within the present 

Albany (1857) 
*Butteville (1854) 
Canyonville (1857) 
Cascades (1853) 

* Clear Creek (1856) 
Coos Bay (1854) 
Corvallis (1856) 
Dallas (1857) 
Dayton (1857) 

*Deer Creek (1856) 
*East Tualatin (1856) 

Eugene (1856) 
*Gold River (1854) 

Grand Ronde (1856) 

* Grand Prairie (1855) 
•Illinois Valley (1855) 
•Jacksonville (1852) 
•Kirbyville (1858) 
•La Creole (1854) 
•Lafayette (1861) 

Lebanon (1857) 
•Luckimiute (1857) 

state of * Mary's River (1849) 
•Mill Creek (1855) 
•Milwaukie (1855) 
•Mount Vernon (1859) 
•Multnomah (1854) 
•North Yamhill (1854) 
•Oak Point (1854) 
•Oakland (1856) 

Oswego (1854) 
•Portland Mission (1860) 
•Port Orford (1854) 

Rainier (1854) 
•Rock Creek (1859) 

Roseburg (1859) 
•Sandy (1855) 
•Santiam Forks (1854) 
•Sauvie's Island (1858) 
•Spring Valley (1857) 
•Starr's Point (1857) 
*Table Rock (1861) 

Tillamook (1855) 
•Tualatin (1857) 
•Wallamet Forks (1857) 

Wilbur (1866) 


2. Outside the present State of 

Bellingham, Wash. (1854) 
Chambers Prairie (1854) 
Chehalis (1854) 
Colville (1860) 
Coveland (1854) 
Dwainish (1854) 
Fraser River (1858) 
Gray's Harbor (1859) 
Klickitat (1860) 
Monticello (1855) 
Mound Prairie (1857) 
Nisqually (1857) 
Oro Fino (1861) 
Pacific City (1854) 

Port Gamble (1854) 
Port Madison (1857) 
Port Townsend (1854) 
Puyallup (1857) 
Seattle (1854) 
Semiamco Bay (1858) 
Shoalwater Bay (1854) 
Simcoe Indian Mission (1860) 
Skagit Mission (1855) 
Steilacoom (1854) 
Tumwater (1856) 
Victoria (1858) 
Whatcom (1858) 
Whidby's Island (1855) 
White River (1854) 

Fourth Period, 1861-1872, to the first division of the Conference: 

At the begining of the Civil War there were 2,233 church mem- 
bers and 628 probationers, and 1,679 enrolled in the Sunday School. 
There were only 58 local preachers. 

Progress during the dark days of the Civil War was, of course, 
slow, only about a dozen new churches being organized during the 
period. After the war ended, development was accelerated. In 1873 
the following pastoral charges were shepherded within what was then 
the Oregon Annual Conference: 

1. In the present State of Oregon: 

Ashland (1871) 

Baker City (1869) 

Birch Creek (1866) 
* Brownsville (1864) 

Buena Vista (1867) 
♦Canemah (1864) 
*Canyon City (1865) 
*Coquille (1872) 

Creswell (1873) 
*East Portland (1866) 
*East Portland Circuit (1874) 
♦Empire City (1867) 

Gardiner (1872) 
♦Goose Lake (1870) 
♦Grand Ronde (1863) 

Grants Pass (1873) 
♦Hall Street (1871) 

Hillsboro (1864) 
♦Howell Prairie (1873) 
♦Independence (1871) 

Jefferson (1869) 

Klamath Indian Mission (1868) 

La Grande (1866) 

McMinnville (1871) 

Monroe (1866) 
♦Ochoco (1870) 

Pendleton (1873) 
♦Rock Point (1872) 
♦Scio (1866) 

Siletz (1871) 

Silverton (1865) 
♦South Portland (1868) 
♦South Salem (1868) 

Springfield (1868) 
♦Tangent (1873) 

Umatilla (1863) 

Union Ridge German (1888) 
♦Willamette Mission (1871) 
♦Yainax (1873) 
♦Yaquina (1866) 



2. Places not in the present State Lewiston, Idaho (1862) 
of Oregon: Mason (Wash) (1873) 

Attanum (1866) Wash. T , \ tat u /lo-jn 

r> • „om\ Tj u Pelouse, Wash. (1871) 

Boise (1863) Idaho #T) , ' . n\>co\ 

Chehalis Indian Mission (1872) ^"7/!? 

Claquato, Wash. (1861)' Satus, Wash. .(1866) 

Colfax, Wash. (1872) J mcoe C ?™« 8 jl 9 ) 

Dry Creek, Wash. (1867) Tacoma, Wash. (1873) 

Eagle Creek, Wash. (1873) Touchet (1867) 

Freeport, Wash. (1868) Teekalet (1865) 

Grand Mound, Wash. (1864) Vancouver Circuit (1868) 

Idaho City, Ida. (1864) Waitsburg (1869) 

Idaho Missions (1867) Walla Walla Circuit (1868) 

Kalama, Wash. (1871) Yakima Indian Mission (1862) 

Lewis River, Wash. (1872) 

The Conference of 1872 was composed of seven Districts, as fol- 
lows: Portland, Salem, Eugene City, Umpqua, Puget Sound, Walla 
Walla, and the Indian Mission Districts. 

Fifth Period, 1873-1884 from the Organization of the East Oregon 
and Washington Conference to the Organization of the Puget Sound 

At the Conference of 1873, the newly authorized East Oregon and 
Washington Conference was made up of Walla Walla District, with 
11 pastoral charges, the Dalles District with 9 Pastorates, and the 
Indian Mission District with three. By districts and pastoral charges, 
we list: 

Walla Walla District: 

Walla Walla, Dayton, Colfax, Pendleton, Grand Ronde, Waitsburg, 
Snake River, Weston, LaGrande, Baker City, and Eagle Creek. 

The Dalles District: 

The Dalles, Ochoco, Yainaz, Canyon City, Wasco, Klamath, Goose 
Lake, Klickitat, and Yakima. 

Indian Mission District: 
Siletz, Chehalis, Simcoe. 

In 1873 there were 4,349 church members, 925 Probationers, 88 
Local Preachers, 4,318 Members of Sunday Schools. 

During a period of eleven years the following pastoral charges 
were added to the list of appointments: 

1. Places in Oregon: 



♦Ames Chapel (1880) 

Amity (1879) 

City Mission (1878) 

Cornelius (1878) 

Drain (1878) 

Forest Grove (1875) 

Fort Klamath (1880) 

Halsey (1884) 

HoytSt., Portland (1882) 
♦Hubbard (1878) 
♦Lincoln (1880) 
♦Linkville (1877) 

2. Places not in Oregon: 

Centerville, Wash. (1880) 
Dungeness, Wash. (1874) 
Ferndale, Wash. (1879) 
Harboro, Wash. (1883) 
Montesano, Wash. (1883) 
Nooksack Indian Mission (1880) 
North Seattle (1883) 
San Juan, Wash. (1883) 

♦Lowell (1884) 
♦Nestachee (1878) 
♦North Portland (1874) 
♦Peoria Circuit (1876) 
♦Salem Circuit (1881) 

Powell Valley (1876) 
♦Sam's Valley (1874) 

Shedd (1874) 

Sheridan (1874) 
♦Silver Lake (1877) 
♦Sprague River (1879) 

Turner (1884) 

Yoncalla (1874) 

Seattle Chinese Mission (1881) 
Skagit River (1871) 
Snohomish (1883) 
Spokane Falls (1883) 
Stanwood (1883) 
Tacoma German (1883) 
Walla Walla German (1883) 
Winlock (1883) 

At the Conference of 1883 there were three Districts: the Portland, 
the Eugene City, and the Puget Sound Districts. 

Sixth Period, 1884-1888 from the organization of the Puget Sound 
Conference to the organization of the foreign language conferences: 
When the Puget Sound Conference was formed in 1884 the 
churches which were situated in Washington were transferred to that 
unit. At that time there were 4,456 full members of the church, 480 
probationers and 73 local preachers. A year later, after the division 
of the Conference, there were only 3,705 full members, 473 proba- 
tioners, and 75 local preachers. The pastoral charges organized dur- 
ing a five year period were: 

1. In Oregon: 

♦Adams Street, Portland (1888) 
♦Albina, Portland (1888) 
♦Astoria Circuit (1887) 
♦Athena (1889) 

Beaverton (1888) 

Brooks (1888) 

Canby (1889) 

Centenary (1888) 
♦Columbia Chapel (1888) 

Cottage Grove (1889) 

♦Dexter (1889) 

Dillard (1889) 
♦Fairview (1888) 

Fossil (1888) 

Grace, Portland (1885) 

Hood River (1887) 
♦Hood Street, Portland (1888) 

Medford (1885) 

Mount Tabor (1885) 

Nehalem (1889) 



*Newport (1885) *Stephens Addition, Portland 

St. Pauls, Portland (1889) (1887) 

♦Scandinavian Mission (1885) Summit (1889) 

Sellwood (1885) Talent (1889) 

♦Southern Mission (German) Taylor Street, Portland (1885) 
(1885) Viola (1885) 

Stayton (1888) 

Upon the organization of the Foreign Language Conferences the fol- 
lowing charges were separated from the Oregon Conference: 

German Mission — Geo. Hartung, Superintendent. 
Albina and East Portland 

Cheney and Rosalia 
Portland (German) 
Ritzville and Big Bend 
Salem (German) 
Seattle (German) 
Spokane Falls 
Union Ridge 
Rogue River 
Walla Walla (German) 

Norwegian-Danish Mission — C. J. Larsen, Superintendent 
Port Townsend 
Spokane Falls 
Moscow and Blaine 

From the standpoint of the loss of membership, the Oregon Con- 
ference suffered comparatively little from the organization of the 
foreign language conferences. At the time of the separation there 
were 162 members in the German churches, and something less than 
that in the Norwegian-Danish churches. In 1891 there were only 144 
members in the Norwegian-Danish churches in Oregon. 

2. Places not in Oregon: 
Bickelton, Wash. (1886) 
Big Bend, Wash. (1888) 
Cheney, Wash. (1888) 



Seventh Period, 1889-1922, from the Organization of the Foreign 
Language Conferences to the return of The Dalles District to the 
Oregon Conference: 

During this period of about 33 years the following pastoral 
charges were added to the lists of appointments: 

I. In Oregon: 

♦Althouse (1894) 

Alpine (1919) 
♦Antelope (1902) 
*Arleta Park (1905) 
♦Ballston (1906) 
*Bandon (1894) 

Banks (1907) 
♦Barton (1894) 

Bay City (1895) 

Beatty (1920) 
•Bellvue (1919) 
♦Big Valley (1909) 
♦Bonanza (1891) 
♦Boring (1904) 
♦Bridal Veil (1895) 
♦Brookings (1920) 
♦Burlington (1921) 

Camas Valley (1920) 
♦Canby Circuit (1906) 
♦Carlton (1906) 

Carus (1916) 
♦Cedar Mills (1898) 
♦Cedarville (1909) 
♦Center (1906) 
♦Central Point (1891) 
♦Central Point Ct. (1907) 
♦Clarks (1891) 
♦Clarks (1902) 
♦Cleone (1891) 

Chiloquin (1920) 

Clatskanie (1890) 

Clinton Kelly (1907) 

Coburg (1903) 
♦Cottage Grove Ct. (1903) 
♦Crawfordsville (1905) 
♦Curry Mission (1909) 
♦Damascus (1905) 
♦Davis Creek (1910) 
♦Deer Island (1917) 
♦Detroit (1895) 
♦Dilley (1898) 

Donald (1921) 

♦Eagle Point (1892) 
♦Edenbower (1910) 

Elkton (1892) 
♦Enos Chapel (1904) 
♦Epworth, Portland (1903) 

Estacada (1905) 

Falls City (1894) 
♦Farmington (1913) 
♦Fir Grove (1909) 
♦Florence (1891) 
♦Fort Rock (1916) 
♦Gates (1907) 
♦Glendale (1899) 
♦Gold Beach (1892) 

Gold Hill (1890) 
♦Goshen (1913) 
♦Grants Pass Ct. (1890) 

Gresham (1893) 
♦Hammond (1902) 

Harrisburg (1896) 
♦Highlands (1902) 
♦Hope Chapel (1908) 
♦Houlton (1902) 
♦Hudson (1915) 
♦Iliff (1916) 

Independence (1891) 
♦Irving (1908) 

Junction City (1893) 
♦Keizer (1919) 
♦Kendall (1917) 
♦Keno (1895) 
♦Kerby (1910) 

Klamath Falls (1892) 
♦Knappa (1898) 

Lakeview (1890) 

Laurel wood (1906) 

Lents (1895) 

Leslie (1895) 
♦Liberty (1914) 

Linnton (1895) 
♦Livesley (1916) 
♦Loraine (1893) 



*Lyons (1906) 
♦Marquam (1899) 

Marshfield (1890) 
*Mayger (1915) 

McCabe (1919) 

Mehama (1891) 
♦Merlin (1903) 
♦Merrill (1898) 
♦Mills City (1895) 

Molalla (1913) 

Montavilla (1895) 
♦Mulino (1904) 
♦Merlin (1894) 

Myrtle Creek (1898) 

Myrtle Point (1891) 

Newberg (1892) 
♦Nestucca (1910) 
♦Netarts (1896) 

North Bend (1905) 
♦North Yamhill (1896) 

Oak Grove Chapel (1906) 

Oak Grove (1907) 

Paisley (1891) 

Patton (1891) 

Pine Grove Chapel (1916) 

Pleasant Home (1904) 
♦Pleasant Valley (1901) 
♦Plush (1892) 
♦Portland Circuit (1902) 

Portland, First (1891) 
♦Philomath (1893) 
♦Phoenix (1892) 
♦Picard (1902) 

Pine Creek (1919) 

Pratum (1921) 
♦Pringle (1917) 
♦Rockwood (1901) 

♦Roseburg Circuit (1913) 
♦Russell Street, Portland (1892) 
♦Saginaw (1909) 

Saint Johns (1891) 
♦Salem Mission (1891) 
♦Scappoose (1903) 
♦Scholls (1913) 

Seaside (1899) 
♦Siuslaw (1892) 
♦Soda Springs (1893) 

Sunnyside (1890) 

Talent (1910) 

Ten Mile (1893) 
♦Tiller (1906) 

Toledo (1894) 
♦Trent (1910) 
♦Trinity, Portland (1892) 
♦Troutdale (1908) 

Tualatin (1909) 
♦Unity (1907) 

University Park (1891) 

Vancouver Avenue (1904) 
♦Waldo (1903) 
♦Walker (1892) 

Warrenton (1892) 
♦Waterloo (1893) 

Wendling (1900) 
♦West Portland (1895) 

Wilderville (1891) 
♦Wildwood (1906) 

Willamina (1908) 

Wilson ville (1910) 

Woodburn (1891) 
♦Woods (1896) 

Woodlawn (1891) 

Woodstock (1895) 

2. Places not in Oregon: 

♦Adin, Calif. (1908) 
♦Doris, Calif. (1907) 
♦Eagleville, Calif. (1908) 

♦David Creek, Calif. (1910) 
♦Fort Bidwell, Calif. (1901) 
Nevada Mission (1900) 
New Pine Creek, Calif. (1906) 

Eighth Period, 1922-1928 from the return of the Dalles District to the 
return of the German Churches: 

Appleton, Wash. (1922) 
Arlington (1892) (1922) (C) 2 
Bend (1907) (1922) (C) 
♦Bly (1923) 


'East Salem (1922) 
Dufur (1904) (1922) (C) 
Echo (1903) (1922) (C) 
Freewater (1911) (1922) (C) 


Goldendale, Wash. (1922) 
'Grass Valley (1904) (1922) (C) 
•Hall's Ferry (1922) 
Heppner (1893) (1922) (C) 
Klamath Lumber Camps (1922) 
*Lone Rock (1903) (1922) (C) 
Madras (1917) (1922) (C) 
Moro (1904) (1922) (C) 
Mosier (1925) 

Oak Grove (Hood River Coun- 

ty) (1925) 
•Pine Ridge (1926) 
•Prineville (1903) (1922) (C) 
•Redmond (1914) (1922) (C) 
•Rufus (1921) (1922) (C) 
•Shaniko (1925) 
•Spaulding Chapel (1922) 
•South Portland (1924) 

Ninth Period, 1929-1938, from the return of the German Churches to 
the Unification of Methodism: ^ 

Bethany (1899) (1929) (C) 
•Bonneville (1936) 
•Boyd (1929) 

Butler (1910) (1929) (C) 
•Cherryville (1936) 

Clarks (1898) (1929) (C) 
•Dover (1931) 

First German (1929) (afterward 
called Grace Methodist Church) 

•Fisher's Mill (1929) 
•Friend (1925) 

Metolius (1913) (1929) (C) 

Mill Street, Salem (1929) (C) 
•Richmond (1929) (C) 
•Roberts (1933) 

Ridgefield (1929) (C) 

Ritzville (1929) (C) 

Rocklyn (1929) (C) 

Rodney Avenue (1929) (C) 

Rosalia (1929) (C) 

Tenth Period, 1939, from the unification of Methodism (1939) 
to the present: 

The Methodist Episcopal Church, South, was established in 
Oregon very shortly after the close of the Civil War, and in many 
localities duplicated the work of a church of the Oregon Annual 
Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church. With unification, 
these churches formed the Methodist Church. 

Alsea (S),3 (1916) (1939) 
Coquille (S) (1939) 
Corvallis (S) , (1939) 
Eugene, Trinity (1948) 
Franklin (S) (1939) 
Hoyt Street (ND) * (1939) 
* Jerome Prairie (1930) 
Lake Creek (S) (1939) 
Looking Glass (1951) 
McFarland (S) (1939) 

•Medford (S) (1939) 

Milton (S) (1939) 

Myrtle Creek (S) (1939) 

Olex (1948) 
•Peoria (S) (1939) 
•Riddle (1945) 

Roseburg (S) (1939) 

Tangent (S) (1939) 

Vancouver Avenue (ND) (1939) 

Weston (S) (1939) 


Appendix A 


Or Preceding Conferences 

Pastors listed below include those who served Oregon Methodism 
(1) during the Oregon Mission, (2) as members of the Oregon and 
California Mission Conference and (3) as members of the Oregon 
Annual Conference. The inclusive dates indicated show when in- 
dividuals joined the Conference (1) on trial, or (2) by transfer or 
acceptance of credentials; and the figures also designate the times 
when members severed their connections (1) by transfer, (2) by 
withdrawal, (3) by location or (4) by death. Note page references. 

Abbett, James T. 1890-1919 (177, 

237, 276, 278-9) 
Abbott, Geo. R. 1915-1919 
Acheson, Thomas 1912-1952 (244) 
Acton, J. H. 1876-1882 (265) 
Adams, J. H. 1867-1914 (172) 
Adams, Geo. W. 1871-1873 
Adams, Harley J. 1905-1909 
Adams, Joseph M. 1945— (255) 
Adkinson, T. W. 1917— only 
Agte, Roy 1954— 
Airheart, W. L. 1916-1917 
Albertson, C. Gene 1953 — 
Alderman, J. W. 1887-1887 
Alderson, Christopher 1856-1886 

(122-3, 173) 
Aldrich, Horace Nathan 1892-1921 
Aldrich, Ira R. 1926 — 
Allen, Robert H. 1906-1916 
Allen, R. J. 1917-1921 
Allen, W. A. 1904-1925 
Allyn, J. H. 1867-1886 
Andersen, J. S. 1890-1892 
Anderson, Jesse M. 1855-1860 
Anderson, Ross Waldron 1933-1935 
Andrews, Clarence I. 1925-1934 
Anthony, C. V. 1876-1878 
Archibald, Hugh, 1933-1935 
Armstrong, Ari John 1904-1909 
Arnold, Ebenezer 1859-1864 (167) 

Arnold, G. R. 1892-1901 
Aschenbrenner, Edward J. 1926- 

Atchison, Hugh D. 1899-1900 
Atkins, R. A. 1896-1901 
Atkinson, Henry T. 1894-1931 (276, 

Atwood, A. 1874-1884 (121, 236, 

273, 339) 
Avison, Richard Noble 1910-1947 

Ayers, A. E. 1895-1910 
Ayers, William 1892 only 
Badley, Wayne S. 1909-1912 
Bagley, A. W. 1894-1901 
Bailey, Leslie B. 1923-1930 
Baker, Dale W. 1953 — 
Baker, Luther G. Jr. 1952— 
Balcomb, Raymond E. 1951 — 
Baldwin, C. H. 1910-1913 (276, 

Baldwin, Donald W. 1942-1945 
Baldwin, R. T. 1891-1903 
Ballinger, Malcolm B. 1935-1947 
Banks, Lewis Albert 1876-1883 
Barber, Robert O. 1955 — 
Barker, J. Marlin 1954— 
Bastuschek, Burton C. 1954 — 
Bates, Alfred P. 1917-1925 
Baumann, C. W. 1949— 



Bauman, David B. 1945-1952 (277, Boyd, Amos P. 1905-1908 

Baxter, Bruce R. 1936-1947 (248- 

Beadles, Owen J. 1943-1948 (255) 
Beall, Joseph H. 1953-1956 
Beans, Wesley K. 1896-1897 
Beatty, J. L. 1903-1921 (278) 
Beck, John A. 1929-1952 
Beckley, John W. 

Beckman, Charles O. 1903-1916 

Beckman, Elmer E. 1948-1956 
Belknap, Connington G. 1857-1870 

Belknap, Edward H. 1894-1908 
Belknap, Lewis Franklin 1893-1948 

Bell, Ernest 1956— 
Benefiel, Robert L. 1956 — 
Bennett, Alexander George 1929- 

Bennett, George H. 1913-1943 
Benson, H. C. 1864-1868 (221, 224) 
Bentley, R. 1875-1876 
Berbano, Marcus B. 1927-1932 
Berreman, George C. 1920-1926 
Berry, G. M. 1853-1862 (95, 101, 

103, 121, 171,261) 
Bishop, Robert Sanders 1909-1924 
Black, Harold W. 1944-1954 
Blackwell, R. C. 1894-1937 (276, 

Blain, D. E. 1854-1866 (103, 164, 

170, 261) 
Blachley, Arthur R. 1952-1955 
Blair, Collis C. 1951— 
Bleakley, W. S. J. 1955— 
Blenkinsop, Percival Michael 1919 
Bolliger, Paul 1934-1946 
Bonn, Frederick 1880-1887 (271, 

275, 278) 
Bonn, Frederick 1880-1887 
Booth, Robert 1855-1917 (55, 57, 

124, 140, 162, 179) 
Boulden, Lester D. 1952— 
Bove, Luis 1950 — 
Bowers, Stephen 1872-1873 
Bowles, J. William 1954 — 
Bowman, William C. 1950-1952 

Boyd, Thomas P. 1889-1896 
Boyer, Alfred 1951— 
Brackenbury, A. C. 1894-1938 (242 

Bradley, Thomas 1884-1885 
Bray, Jouett P. 1939— 
Bray, William D. 1939— (277, 278) 
Bretts, John 1895 only 
Brewer, O. B. 1873 only 
Brewster, B. C. 1915-1920 
Briggs, George 1955— 
Briggs, Wilmer A. 1928 — 
Brink, Manford O. 1890-1901 
Bristol, B. A. 1899-1926 
Brittain, Alfred A. 1916-1918 
Brown, Claude A. 1949 — 
Brown, Charles G. 1936-1953 
Brown, Frank E. 1939-1954 
Brown, Frederick J. 1893-1903 
Brown, George H. 1856-1860 
Brown, George S. 1923-1925 
Brown, John Montcalm 1912-1956 
Brown, Rowland Z. 1911 only 
Brown, Wayne W. 1952 — 
Browne, W. R. F. 1904-1917 
Browning, Ben F. 1946 — (278) 
Bruce, George W. 1927 — 
Bruner, Richard E. 1954 — 
Bryan, C. H. 1912-1929 
Bryan, Calvin M. 1889-1916 (238) 
Bryant, E. H. 1903-1909 (278) 
Buchanan, P. G. 1852, 1853-1855 

(89, 95, 101, 103, 156, 158) 
Buche, August F. 1900-1902 
Bucholz, F. W. 1888-1892 (271) 
Buckley, Nathaniel T. 1930-1934 
Buckley, Paul 1923-1926 
Buckner, H. H. 1898-1901 
Buckner, N. S. 1893-1903 
Buehler, Adam 1888-1892 (271) 
Bull, Robert Jehu 1948— 
Bunch, Jesse W. 1936-1946 
Bunch, Dodds B. 1936 
Burdell, J. N. 1932-1953 
Burdette, Laurence 1937-1955 
Burgoyne, William Sherman 1929- 

1947, 1948— 
Burk, William E. 1891-1892 
Burkholder, H. C. 1924-1929 (283) 



Burlingame, M. 1883 only 
Burtner, Robert W. 1947— 
Bushong, J. W. 1889-1896 (180) 
Butler, Franklin C. 1900-1902 
Butts W. (or Butt) 1873-1881 
Byars, W. Nesbitt 1920— 
Cain, J. D. 1917-1931 (278) 
Calder, Alonzo Beacom 1908-1950 
Calder, F. H. 1889-1901 
Caldwell, Hugh 1871-1873 
Calloway, J. B. 1863-1871 (164) 
Cambric, Cortlandt 1954 — 
Cameron, D. W. 1882-1884 
Campbell, Donald S. 1952— 
Carden, Noel 1943-1948 
Carlos, Charles R. 1915-1923 
Carroll, Louis C. 1920-1921 
Case, Burton E. 1886-1892 
Case, Laban 1854-1858 (102, 156) 
Caswell, E. W. 1884-1887 
Chamberlin, Mark A. 1943-1955 
Chan Hon Fan 1886-1891 (267) 
Chandler, G. W. 1884-1886 
Chandler, L. W. 1913-1927 
Chanev, Samuel J. 1919-1929 (245) 
Chan Sing Kai 1902-1915 (267-8, 

Chapman, F. A. 1907-1908 
Chapman, William T. 1869-1887 

(265, 342) 
Chattin, W. C. 1874-1880 (265, 278) 
Chatterton, Harry, 1849-1850 
Christensen, N. A. 1917-1922 
Clark, Aubrey Herbert, 1919-1924 
Clark, H. C. 1922-1942 
Clark, K. K. 1921-1940 
Clark, Nelson, 1855-1916 
Clarke, George 1905-1909 
Clemo, F. S. 1901-1937 
Cline, C. E. 1888-1921 (278) 
Close, Benjamin 1853-1855 (95, 101, 

103, 302) 
Coan, John B. 1926-1943 
Coberly, C. S. 1939-1953 
Cochran, L. G. 1895-1921 
Coe, Wendell, J. 1944-1951 (254) 
Coffey, Geo. 1873-1874 
Colburn, Donald 1953 — 
Coleman, John Franklin 1913-1926 


Coleman, Jordan O. 1910-1911 
Colley, J. R. 1892-1893 
Conner, Clovd H. 1919-1929 
Conner, E. j. 1939-1941 
Connor, James E. 1886-1887 
Conklin, Peter 1907-1910 
Conrad, Carl J. 1950-1955 
Cook, Claude T. 1909-1937 (276-7, 

Cooper, Harry M. 1923-1925 
Cooper, Harvev O. 1917-1922 
Corner, R. M. 1893-1905 
Coslet, Alonzo 1913-1919 
Cosper, W. I. 1863-1884 
Cotton, Earl B. 1917-1952, 1956— 

Covault, Orville Leonard 1947— 
Cowdy, Claud H. 1950— 
Craig, William E. 1944-1946 
Cramer, A. F. 1929-1929 
Crandall, Charles E. 1891-1909 

(276, 278) 
Craven, Elkanah S. 1885-1897 
Creesy, Charles L. 1907-1915 
Crenshaw, J. N. 1913-1917 
Cronk, W. C. 1933-1940 
Cross, Henry 1925-1926 
Cross, John L. 1953-1955 
Crouse, Harry G. 1924-1944 
Crowell, D. A. 1878-1882 
Crowson, Carl 1939-1939 
Cudlipp, J. H. 1909-1913 
Culmer, C. C. 1900-1901 
Curtis, Chesley E. 1912-1918 (277, 

Curtis, E. D. 1873-1875 (172) 
Curtis, Walter 1956 — 
Cushing, Stearns Jr. 1935-1942 
Dahlin, Patrick N. 1928 only 
Danford, Samuel Alexander 1915- 

1928 (238, 242-3, 244, 246) 
Dark, Charles Leslie 1911-1950 

Davenport, Charles R. 1948-1954 
Davies, Lew C. 1901-1904 
Davis, Ben W. 1935-1944 
Davis, A. E. 1948 — 
Davis, J. M. 1941-1942 
Davis, Sprague 1888 only 
Dawson, C. A. 1904-1905 



Day, G. W. 1874-1879 
Deal, Columbus A. 1857-1859 
Deal, Robert L. 1943— 
Deardorff, J. G. 1866-1872 
DeBord, J. B. 1908-1911 
Decker, Edwin George 1916-1920 
DeLong, Dow 1915-1917 
Dennison, G. W. 1903-1905 
Dennison, John N. 1871-1897 (342) 
Derrick, Columbus 1874-1884 
Derry, Elbert S. 1921-1926 
Deschner, Phillip 1915-1918 (294-5) 
Desler, Clarence 1954 — 
Davenport, Russell J. 1915-1934 
Devore, John F. 1854-1884 
Devore, John F. 1854-1884 (102-3, 

120-1, 171, 343) 
DeVries, Harvey 1937-1955 
DeYoe, J. W. 1924-1927 
Dewart, S. H. 1904-1929 
Dill, John H. B. 1897-1899 
Dillon, Isaac (O and C) 1852-1853, 
1853-1884 (89, 95, 101, 167, 224, 
Dimick, George D. 1893-1894 
Dimmitt, G. M. 1886-1887 
Dixon, J. Thomas 1954- 
Dixon, Melvin W. 1952— 
Dixon, M. P. 1897-1909 
Doane, Nehemiah 1850 (O & C) 

1905 (see index) 
Dodge, Walter Fred 1943-1954 
Doggett, James S. 1954 only 
Doney, Carl Gregg 1915-1955 (57, 

Douglass, James S. 1859-1879 
Douglass, W. J. 1906-1917 (278) 
Downs, Thomas H. 1907-1941 
Dowson, Wilbert 1927-1935 
Doxsee, Harold M. 1915-1920 
Drake, Francis Gibbons 1907 — 
Dray, Calvin H. 1858-1860 
Drew, Frank B. 1950 — 
Drew, William P. 1903-1919 
Drewing, Edward 1888 only (271) 
Driver, Isaac D. 1866-1907 (124 

Driver, Samuel 1878-1879 

Dunkelberger, Kenneth Herbert 

Dunlap, Robert Elmer 1895-1946 

(237, 294) 
Dunlop, J. F. 1908— 
Dunn, Ray S. 1937-1952 
Ebert, John H. 1912-1932 (238) 
Echlin, C. Ellery 1951— 
Eddings, Lawrence L. 1955 — 
Edmondson, Wiliam W. 1901-1904 
Edwards, Andrew J. 1907-1908 
Edwards, Charles A. 1917-1949 
Edwards, Darius L. 1891-1895 
Edwards, Dorman D. 1929-1934 
Edwards, Paul E. 1924-1928 
Egan, Clarence E. Jr. 1952-1954 
Elayer, E. W. 1904-1906 
Elder, Joshua 1854-1855 (102-3) 
Eldridge, E. Olin 1909-1920 
Ellefsen, Peter M. 1891-1892 
Elliott, Frederick 1865-1879 
Elliott, F. Gene 1946-1956 (277-8) 
Elliott, Thomas Easter 1920-1943 
Ellis, George W. 1906-1910 
Ellsworth, Ziba B. 1863-1865 
Elworthy, Harry B. 1885-1902 
Enz, Clark 1941— (254) 
Erickson, C. 1889-1892 
Ericksen, John L. 1890-1892 (278) 
Erskine, W. M. 1905-1914 
Esslinger, W. 1884-1887 
Euster, W. T. 1908-1910 
Exon, J. W. 1904-1911 (237) 
Fairchild, Asher C. 1861-1928 (175- 

Fairham, Silas E. 1937-1948 
Fallis, George V. 1924-1946 (295) 
Fan, Chan Hon (267-8, 278) 
Farnsworth, F. 1954-1955 (102-3) 
Farrell, Andrew 1886 only 
Farris, Berlyn V. 1949— 
Faul, Fremont 1948— 
Fedje, Earl W. 1952— 
Fedje, Raymond N. 1950-1954 
Fedje, Roy A. 1931— (292) 
Feenstra, Rinke A. 1924 — (278) 
Feese, George H. 1903-1917 (238) 
Fell, Robert E. 1950-1952 
Ferguson, Geo. G. 1881-1884 
Fields, D. Lester 1901-1957 (189) 


Finch, Roy 1956— 
Finkbeiner, Arnold J. 1940-1942 
Finkbeiner, Raymond R. 1929-1942 
Finley, Francis Edward 1920-1933 

Finley, Forest E. 1926-1934 
Fisher, A. N. 1900-1921 (224) 
Fisher, F. V. 1909-1917 (276, 278) 
Fisher, W. I. 1902-1903 
Flenner, L. W. 1918-1920 
Flinn, John 1853-1915 (24, 87, 89, 

95, 101, 103, 119-120, 153,235) 
Forbis, W. G. 1939-1956 
Ford, Thomas B. 1896-1920 
Forsberg, Clarence 1948-1953 
Forster, Fletcher 1945-1952 
Forsythe, W. M. 1921 only 
Forsythe, W. H. H. 1921 only 
Foster, Paul D. 1955 — 
Foster, Thomas 1956 — - 
Fouke, Hugh B. 1924-1933 
Fowler, James H. 1906-1907 
Fox, F. S. 1905-1906 
Francis, Frank S. 1913-1916 
Franklin, Wm. J. 1855-1868 
Frost, Joseph H. (Oregon Mission) 

1840-? (29, 38) 
Freeland, Benjamin R. 1858-1862 

Fry, W. C. 1907-1909 (277-8) 
Fry, William Henry 1910-1924 
Fugate, W. U. 1939-1941 
Funk, Charles E. 1936-1950 
Gaiser, Ludwig 1891-1939 
Gaither, Sydney Bruce 1946 — 
Gallagher, Thomas Hugh 1920- 

Gardner, Everett H. 1927 — 
Gardiner, W. J. 1890-1897 
Gardner, Harry E. 1928-1932 
Garner, Kenneth A. 1951-1953 
Garrison, Enoch 1853-1869 (95, 

Gary, George (Oregon Mission) 

1844-1847 (see index) 
Gatke, Robert Moulton 1918 — 

(152, 230) 
Gear, Gerald 1954— 
Gfeller, Alfred 1890-1891 
Gibson, Charles E. 1916-1924 

Gilbert, Ernest E. 1917-1925 (241) 
Gill, Oliver J. 1927-1951 
Ginn, Francis A. 1919— 
Gittins, Edward 1884-1919 
Gjerding, W. J. 1936-1939 
Glass, David H. 1895-1898 
Gleiser, Walter S. 1922-1937 
Goddard, Wm. H. 1869-1870 
Goodpasture, T. 1879-1882 
Goodsell, H. Guy 1934— 
Goodwin, Durward T. 1933-1942 
Gordon, George F. 1929-1934 
Gordon, William Stewart 1897- 

1948 (56) 
Goss, M. W. 1922-1923 
Gould, Hiram 1888-1926 
Goulder, Ernest 1952— 
Gourley, Walter 1948-1951 
Graff, E. C. 1892-1905 (278) 
Grafious, Henry L. 1906-1911 (278) 
Graham, O. Maxwell 1954— 
Grannis, G. W. 1888-1902 
Gray, George A. 1907-1953 (278) 
Graybeal, Howard L. 1939 — 
Green, Cecil B. 1953-1954 
Green, James S. 1910-1941 (242) 
Green, Paul F. 1921-1923 
Greene, Henry T. 1922-1923 
Greenlee, S. H. 1902-1904 
Greer, George H. 1860-1875 
Gregory, James C. 1900-1910 
Griffith, L. O. 1936-1950 
Grimm, William S. 1901-1906 
Grissom, Adolphus F. 1919-1926 
Groseclose, Bruce B. 1938-1944 
Groves, Meridith A. 1924— (5) 
Groves, Meridith R. 1950-1952 
Groves, Vernon 1955 — 
Guderian, Lawrence 1940 — 
Gue, G. W. 1892-1900 
Gustafson, C. V. 1955— 
Hass, J. Franklin 1924-1929 (295) 
Heckman, Maris R. 1884-1886 
Hager, Abraham 1889-1892 (271) 
Hager, John 1888-1890 (271) 
Hague, C. N. 1889-1892 
Haley, Geo. G. 1897-1900 
Hall, Charles H. 1857-1865 (157-8, 

Hall, Clyde Jesse 1929-1937 



Hall, Geo. W. 1910-1916 
Hall, Herschell W. 1953— 
Hall, J. R. 1910 only 
Hall, Myron M. 1949 — 
Hall, Sidney W. 1914-1944 
Hamblen, Eugene V. 1950 — 
Hamilton, Charles L. 1902-1919 
Hamilton, Roy R. 1902-1903 
Hamlin, A. N. 1907-1910 
Hammond, Everett S. 1913-1943 

Hammond, Percy Malcolm 1926- 

1935, 1949-1954 
Hammond, Jos. R. 1871-1892 (275, 

Hampton, M. N. 1893-1898 
Hampton, W. H. 1910-1916 
Hamrick, Simpson 1918-1947 
Hannan, Cecil G. 1935-1937 
Hansen, Arthur L. 1948 — 
Hensen, Christian L. 1892-1892 
Hansen, H. 1888-1892 
Hanson, Andrew F. 1917-1920 
Harbit, Newton J. 1900-1915 
Hardie, Thomas 1926-1935 
Harding, Joe Andy 1954 — 
Hardingham, Maurice L. 1897-1905 
Hardy, David, 1933-1946 
Harman, C. G. 1895-1900 
Harold, Ernest F. 1955— (5) 
Harper, Craig 1954 — 
Harper, Edward Johnson 1939- 

Harrar, James 1876-1877 
Harrell, Douglas 1950-1953 
Harrington, W. S., (223-4, 271) 
Harris, Dale 1956 — 
Harrison, Charles B. 1922-1930 
Harrison, Jabez C. 1926-1945 (153, 

Harshman, Hardwick W. 1952- 

Hashimoto, Hideo 1950 — 
Hart, Benjamin H. 1927-1928 
Hartman, Phillip D. 1939-1951 
Hartong, Glenn Seward 1929-1934 
Hartung, George 1887-1892 (271) 
Havermale, S. G. 1873-1873 
Hawkins, J. K. 1901-1917 (242) 
Hawley, Alfred L. 1896-1901 

Haworth, Lindley M. 1895-1896 
Hawthorne, Alexander 1917-1953 
Hazelton, T. J. 1910-1912 
Heath, Cary Oscar 1937-1950 
Hebblethwaite, Harold W. 1946- 

Heflin, Kenneth L. 1956 — 
Heist, Aaron A. 1908-1915, 1916- 

Helm, William (O & C) 1849-1890 

(see index) 
Henry, Paul W. 1952— 
Hepp, Joseph 1929-1930 (271) 
Heppe, W. H. 1903-1909 
Hertzler, E. E. 1929-1935 
Herwig, William John 1941-1949 
Hickerson, Harold J. 1919-1920 
Hickman, Eugene C. 1920-1926 

Hill, Harvey R. 1903-1904 
Hill, E. M. 1907-1907 
Hilmer, August F. 1929-1936 
Hines, Harvey K. 1853-1873 (see 

Hines, Gustavus (Oregon Mission 

1840-1845?) 1853-1874 (see in- 
Hines, Joseph W. 1854-1859 102-3, 

Hints, William 1924-1928 
Hisey, Albert S. 1910-1947 
Hoadley, B. J. 1900-1934 
Hobbs, William 1949-1952 
Hoberg, Joseph 1869-1922 
Hocking, Richard 1909-1925 
Hodgson, Francis D. 1859-1860 
Hoff, Elford 1952-1954 
Hoffstetter, John C. 1931-1932 
Holcomb, W. S. 1901-1917 
Holladay, E. C. 1909-1915 
Holland, Robert T. 1903-1923 
Hollingshead, William B. 1898- 

Hollings worth, Arthur J. 1902-1910 
Hollingsworth, Bruce 1954 — 
Holloway, Lloyd F. 1951-1956 
Holverson, Olans 1889 only (278) 
Homan, Fletcher 1908-1915 
Hopkins, G. F. 1910-1916 
Home, J. W. 1896-1897 



Horner, E. R. 1889-1914 
Horsell, Earl B. 1924— 
Horst, William T. 1954-1954 
Hosford, Chauncy O. 1849-1863 

(71, 82, 84-5, 96, 101, 123) 
Hosford, Jon 1947-1951 
Houghton, RossC. 1888-1893 (180) 
Housel, Clarence A. 1901-1907 
Howard, John 1867-1879 (278) 
Howarth, A. L. 1918-1933 (283, 

Howe, Bennie 1941-1953 
Howe, Halbert Howard 1911-1925 
Howell, Benjamin H. 1897-1899 
Howell, Frank T. 1894-1894 
Hoyt, Francis S. 1853-1861 (83-5, 87, 

89, 94-5, 101, 103, 153) 
Hoxie, C. H. 1864-1879 
Huber, George 1949-1955 
Huett, Chas. Wesley 1920-1926 

Huff, Harold 1940-1950 
Hughbanks, George 1857-1863 
Hull, Truman A. 1886-1887 
Hulburt, Wallace 1874-1890 
Humphrey, Harry G. 1933-1948 
Hunt, Fred O. 1939-1948 
Huntington, Ozi C. 1858-1862 
Hutchinson, Robert A. 1915-1920 
Hutchinson, W. V. 1923-1925 
Idso, Omer 1924-1953 
Iliff, William Holman 1897-1898 
Ineson, William Forest 1919-1921 
Ingalls, W. Edwin 1906-1931 
Irvine, James H. 1911-1937 (238) 
Irwin, Robert Latta 1950-1956 
Izer, G. W. 1881-1884 (236, 271) 
Jackson, Francis Roy 1921-1929 
Jackson, Frank 1955-1955 
Jacobson, Hans Olof 1938-1942 
Jacobson, John 1887-1892 (278) 
Jahn, G. A. 1911-1942 
James, Frank 1927-1933 
James, John 1866-1874 
Janney, L. R. 1888-1892 
Jans, Carl 1888-1892 (271) 
Jasper, Franklin Merrill 1908-1926 

Jeffrey, Joseph R. 1921-1947 
Jeffrey, W. R. Jr. 1907-1916 

Jenkins, Harold James 1951 — 
Jenkins, H. C. 1866-1883 
Jenkins, N. F. 1896 only 
Jennings, C. O. 1923-1926 
Jewell, O. A. 1944— 
Jewell, Paul 1954 — 
Johannes, Jacob C. 1940 — 
Johnson, Charles 1953 — 
Johnson, C. H. 1910-1912 
Johnson, Charles P. 1923-1942 
Johnson, J. T. Ralph 1956 — 
Johnson, S. Darlow 1915— (292) 
Johnson, Ossian 1907-1907 
Johnson, William Macnider 1949- 

Johnson, Recter W. 1954 — 
Jones, Daniel 1871-1872 
Jones, J. Harold II 1952-1953 
Jones, O. Leonard 1934 — 
Jones, Thomas Lewis 1877-1926 

(127, 179, 236-8, 294, 342) 
Joslyn, Andrew J. 1870-1886 
Judkins, E. A. 1864-1878 
Judy, Martin 1873-1887 (236) 
Kaye, James 1922-1929 
Kaye, Horace 1923-1928 
Keagy, Franklin W. 1916-1922 
Keating, J. T. 1923-1924 
Keefer, Charles Murray 1917-1935 
Kellerman, Charles R. 1890-1893 
Kellogg, H. W. 1898-1901 
Kelly, Albert 1860-1864 (83) 
Kelly, Archon 1857-1860 (83) 
Kelly, Clinton, O. & C. 1850-1875 
Kelsey, Ridell A. 1943-1945 
Kemp, Harry G. 1905-1907 
Kendall, Edgar 1921-1924 (278) 
Kendall, Joyce 1936— 
Kendall, Olney Lee 1945— 
Kennedy, George W. 1871-1926 
Kephart, Henry C. 1920-1922 
Kerr, Charles 1954— 
Kerr, W. T. 1895-1922 (238) 
Kershaw, A. 1890-1901 
Kester, Sylvan James 1907-1930 
Ketcheson, E. R. 1902-1903 
Kinch, Francis 1921-1937 
Kingsbury, Robert 1953 — 



Kingsley, C. S., O. & C. 1851-1853 

1853-1867 (84-5, 87-9, 94-5, 101, 

103, 153, 157-8) 
Kinne, Clarence J. 1895 only 
Kirby, Louis C. 1925— 
Kirkpatrick, Blaine E. 1920-1925 
Kitizawi, Tetsuji 1907-1911 (276, 

Kleen, Ralph G. 1937-1954 (251- 

2, 255) 
Kleinbach, George J. 1929-1932 
Klepper, J. W. 1887-1888 
Klink, Thomas 1943-1950 
Klippel, Adam 1888-1892 (271) 
Kloster, William E. 1916-1948 
Knight, C. Mayne 1913-1916 
Knight, John L. 1945-1946 
Knight, R. W. 1952— 
Knotts, Joseph 1907— (288-9) 
Knotts, J. Ross 1936— 
Koeneke, A. L. 1888-1892 (271) 
Kone, W. H. (Oregon Mission) 

1840-1842 (29,37-8,48,333) 
Kohr, H. C. 1922-1927 
Koontz, W. T. 1873 only 
Kuehn, Herbert F. 1943-1946 
Kuhlman, Henry, Wm. 1908-1913 
Kumler, Marion L. 1947-1954 (277- 

Kummer, A. 1887-1892 (180) 
Kuykendall, J. W. 1867-1875 (173) 
Lacklen, Jesse 1935-1937 
Lacey, Addis 1916-1931 
Lambert, Allen C. 1949 — 
Lambert, Charles E. 1880-1881 
Lambert, C. A. 1920 only 
Landen, Geo. A. 1890-1893 
Lane, H. B. 1867-1873 
Lane, T. W. 1914-1918 
Lange, H. F. 1929-1954 
Langendorf, Andrew 1950 only 
Larsen, Charles J. 1887-1892 (271-3, 

274-5, 278) 
Larson, Martin T. 1939-1949 
Lathrop, Albert Hester 1923-1924 
Lathrop, Armon 1948 — 
Lathrop, J. R. T. 1900-1904 
Laubach, Eugene E. 1948 — 

Lauback, Abraham 1871-1872, 1876- 

Launer, S. E. 1911 only 
Lavely, William, H. 1953— (278) 
Lawrence, C. H. 1912-1919 
Laws, Robert 1940-1943 
Lawyer, Frank David 1926-1927 
Lea, Charles H. 1894-1895 
Leach, Jacob B. 1856-1857 
Leach, J. E. 1882-1884 
Lee, Alton Earl 1924-1925 
Lee, Daniel (Oregon Mission) 

1834-1844 (see index) 
Lee, Henry 1911-1912 
Lee, Jason (Oregon Mission) 1834- 

1884 (see index) 
Lee, Robert C. 1899-1903 
Lee, S. L. 1885-1903 
Leech, David H. 1897-1949 (244) 
Leppert, David 1907 only 
Leslie, David (Oregon Mission) 

1837-1849, O. & C. 1849-1853, 

1853-1869 (see index) 
LeSourd, Gilbert Q. 1935-1938 
Lewis, C. A. 1889-1926 (278) 
Lewis, B. H. 1916-1917 
Lewis, Wm. S. 1858-1865 
Lewtas, John 1899 only 
Lippencott, B. C. 1860-1867 (339) 
Linn, John A. 1924-1949 
Lisle, James 1910-1929 
Locke, Charles Edward 1893-1897 
Lockhart, Edwin B. 1904-1906, 

Loftus, Lawrence A. 1956 — 
Loder, Theodore 1956 only 
Logan, Leslie B. 1941 — 
Loomis, Dayton 1955 — 
Loveland, Frank L. 1914-1916 
Lovett, W. A. 1908-1910 
Lowther, C. L. 1891-1893 
Luark, Marcellus J. 1871-1873 
Luecke, F. H. 1929-1943 
Luchs, Oscar 1955 — 
Luscombe, W. J. 1908-1909 
Luse, C. A. 1897-1901 
Luther, Dale E. 1955-1956 
Luther, Edward T. 1911-1955 
Maag, Gustave A. 1929-1942 
MacArthur, Walter A. 1942-1952 



MacCaughey, Charles 1921-1926 

Mace, Edgar Sutton 1909-1927 
Mackey, Harold 1953 — 
Maclean, A. R. 1923-1934 
Magill, Thomas 1874-1882 (273, 

Magin, Louis 1929 — 
Mahone, L. D. 1903-1905 
Mahoney, Carl K. 1948-1950 
Mann, H. Benjamin 1929-1932 
Mann, S. H. 1865-1876 
Marcy, Milton A. 1813-1941, 1951 — 

(246, 255) 
Mason, Carl B. 1943— (254, 255) 
Massey, T. J. 1887- only 
McCarthy, Charles 1956— 
McClurg, Edward C. 1951— 
Mathews, James 1874-1886 
McCobb, James 1956— 
Mattershead, Joseph 1899 only 
Matthews, Robert E. 1944-1946 
Matthews, Samuel 1855-1859, 1867- 

1894 (235) 
Maulden, Robert William 1916- 

Maxwell, Thomas 1906-1907 
May, Arthur B. 1907-1910 
May, Clarence B. 1924-1925 
Mays, J. W. 1910-1911 
McAllister, N. S. 1857-1860 
McCain, John S. 1866-1883, 1887- 

1889 (278) 
McCain, Harry G. 1913-1916 
McCart, A. M. 1894-1896 
McClintock, James A. 1926-1933 
McClure, Wilbur F. 1898-1903 

(275, 278) 
McConnell, Bruce 1953— 
McConnell, Warren 1955 — 
McCormack, J. 1877-1881 
McCormick, John D. 1922— 
McCulloch, C. O. 1911-1936 
McDonald, Charles R. 1953 — 
McDonald, James M. 1895-1896 
McDonald, John Herbert 1906- 

1918, 1919— 
McElroy, Isaac, O. & C, 1850-1852 

(83-4, 85, 87, 88) 

McGee, C. H. 1954-1955 
McGlone, Robert R. 1954— 
Mcllvenna, Robert 1927 — 
Mcllvenna, Robert Theodore 1954 
Mclntire, J. 1885-1901 
Mclnturf, D. N. 1891-1894 
McKee, James A. 1939-1946 
McKinney, John (Oregon Mission) 

1848-1849, O. &. C. 1849-1852 (71, 

80,82,87, 113, 158, 160,259) 
McLachlan, Donald 1891-1908 

McMaster, Robert T. 1956— 
McNabb, Robert H. 1946, 1956— 
McNees, John A. 1921-1923 
McNeil, Dallas 1955— 
McPheeters, William 1872-1874 
McPherson, Charles T. 1899-1953 
McKelvy, R. J. L. 1917-1920 
McWatters, William 1894 only 
Means, Paul B. 1946, 1947— 
Meminger, Samuel E. 1889-1934 
Metcalf, Alvin L. 1939-1942 
Meyers, R. E. 1908-1913 
Mickey, John J. 1912-1932 
Miesse, William 1871-1874 
Miles, Harold H. 1922-1957 (278) 
Miller, Isaac 1855-1860 
Miller, John Wesley 1853-1906 (85, 

87, 89, 101, 103, 172-3) 
Milligan, James E. 1928-1939 
Mills, Edward Laird 1927— (189, 

224, 297) 
Mintun, David Wolf 1855 only 
Mitchell, Kenneth J. 1953— 
Mitzner, Theodore B. 1926-1935 
Mitzner, Christopher 1867 only 
Moehring, J. G. 1889-1892 (271) 
Monroe, Andrew 1899-1905 
Monroe, Harry 1956 — 
Mooney, Lee W. 1938-1954 
Moore, Calvin W. 1954-1956 
Moore, Brooks H. 1947 — 
Moore, Daniel Webster 1913-1918 
Moore, Frank L. 1918-1939 (278) 
Moore, James 1898-1921 
Moore, John Stanford 1919-1925 
Moore, James T. 1909-1933 
Moore, Robert M. Jr. 1895-1897 



Moore, W. Boyd 1894-1935 

Morange, John 1945 — 

Morris, Clarence G. 1918-1942 (278, 

Morris, Maxwell 1946-1948 
Morrow, William John 1922-1936 
Morse, William B. 1853-1857 (95, 

101, 103, 120, 302) 
Mort, Howard W. 1919-1931 
Mottershead, Joseph 1900-1901 
Mounts, Horace Hugh 1950 — 
Mueller, John C. 1939-1948 
Mullenix, Wm. M. 1886-1887 
Mulligan, Albert S. 1892-1936 (276, 

Mundell, Asa 1955 — 
Myers, R. Eugene 1908-1924 
Myers, Harold V. 1936-1939 
Myers, W. H. 1892-1935 (278) 
Naugle, John F. 1885-1902 
Nelson, Milton 1956— 
Neufeld, Aaron J. 1921— 
Newland, Gilbert H. 1909— 
Nichol, William 1914-1928 
Nichols, Arthur H. 1888-1890 
Nichols, W. D. 1859-1891 (164) 
Nickerson, L. M. 1871-1888 (164, 

269, 277) 
Nickle, S. M. 1907-1909 
Nicoll, George Douglas 1953 — 
Norman, Willard D. 1955— 
Nyberg, Walter L. 1951-1954 
Nye, Laurence E. 1945 — 
Oberg, Harold 1891-1939 
Ohling, Ralph D. 1951-1956 
Ohse, Francis F. 1947-1952 (254) 
Olds, Glenn, Jr. 1943 — 
Oliver, Clarence E. 1923-1926 
Oliver, George Oscar 1905-1939 
Olley, James 1840-1842 (38) 
Olsen, Oscar A. 1943-1957 (277-8) 
Osborne, Wm. B. 1883 only (236) 
Ostrander, John 1859-1861 
Otto, Ray L. 1954— 
Ovall, John 1907-1908 
Pacey, J. J. 1914-1918 
Padilla, Sinforoso 1923-1926 
Palmer, Willard S. 1928-1930 
Parker, B. Earle 1930-1952 (243, 


Parker, George H. 1899-1900 
Parker, I. V. 1906-1910 
Parker, Robert I. 1921-1940 
Parkes, R. H. 1924-1931 
Parkinson, Geo. H. 1916-1921 
Parounagian, Marcus B. 1907-1929 

Parrett, Olin E. 1950— 
Parrish, Josiah L. O & C 1849-1850, 

1856-1895 (see index) 
Parrott, Joseph E., O. & C, 1849- 

Parsons, John 1877-1935 (see in- 
Patterson, Herbert 1865-1886 
Patton, J. J. 1904-1940 (276-8) 
Patty, Wm. R. 1878 only 
Paulsen, J. C. 1889-1891 (278) 
Payne, George 1859 only 
Pearne, Thomas H. 1853-1864 (see 

Pearne, Thomas 1869-1873 (277) 
Peart, Isaac 1892-1900 
Peck, B. F. 1901-1907 
Pederson, L. F. 1898-1907 (275-6, 

Pemberton, Harry F. 1921-1955 

Penix, Jilson S. 1922 only 
Pepper, William B. 1901-1915 
Perkins, H. K. W. (Oregon Mis- 
sion) 1837-1839 (26, 39, 49, 228-9, 
230, 334) 
Perrino, Tony 1955-1957 
Persons, Maurice 1942-1943 
Peters, Robert 1954 — 
Peters, Warren W. 1946 only 
Peterson, Kenneth 1952 — 
Peterson, Paul E. 1951— 
Phelps, Guy Fitch 1898-1926 (238) 
Phelps, Norman Wayne 1920-1929 
Phillips, Levi C. 1854-1858 (102-3, 

Phillips, Victor 1934-1948 
Phipps, Edward E. 1892-1893 
Pierce, Clarence 1951-1954 
Pierson, Ray H. 1909-1911 
Pike, C. J. 1927-1933 
Pike, Mark 1925-1929 
Place, John 1929— 


Place, Albert E. 1945 — 
Poindexter, David 1954 — 
Poindexter, Dean C. 1925-1957 

Poindexter, Raymond A. 1951-1957 
Plummer, A. E. 1935 only 
Pogue, C. Walter 1906-1945 (276-8) 
Pogue, Myron C. 1941-1945 
Poor, George L. 1929-1940 
Poor, Lester C. 1907— (296) 
Pope, Joseph 1926 — 
Porter, Reuben Boring 1929-1933 
Post, Fred L. 1884-1891 (270) 
Potwin, Thomas D. 1927-1929 
Powell, C. E. 1923 only 
Powell, Lewellen A. 1873-1877 
Powell, Leonard J. 1869-1883 (342) 
Powell, Theophilus 1853 only 
Powell, W. F. 1912-1916 
Price, J. W. 1908-1911 
Priesing, Charles A. 1889-1892 
Pringle, Clark A. 1857 only 
Prose, Leonard T. 1913-1914 
Purdy, J. Edgar 1922-1924, 1939- 

Quimby, George W. 1889-1897 
Radmore, John Conley 1950-1957 
Randall, Edwin T. 1921-1923 
Rankin, Ira Francis 1924-1932 
Ran ton, Erwin G. 1918-1945 
Rarey, Harry Ervin 1935-1948 
Rarick, Charles C. 1906— (238, 

Rasmus, Henry 1894-1899 
Rayner, James O. O & C 1849-1853 

1853-1873 (71, 80, 82, 85, 87, 89, 

95, 103, 118-9, 165) 
Reece, T. M. (Reese) 1873-1884 
Reed, J. Watford 1934— 
Reed, Charles M. 1934-1937 
Rees, Chester M. 1901-1929 
Rees, Clarence B. 1910-1922 
Reese, Raymond S. 1928-1929 
Reetz, Carl A. 1916-1921 
Reeves, Floyd M. 1922-1926 
Reid, M. M. 1913-1914 
Rentfro, J. L. 1919-1923 
Reuter, W. C. 1905-1912 
Rhodes, Harlin C. 1857-1866 
Richards, E. C. 1913-1957 

Richardson, Irad 1885-1888 
Riddle, Earle Waldo 1950 — 
Riddle, Donald Wayne 1923 
Rigby, G. W. 1922-1926 
Rinehart, Philip 1906-1910 (278) 
Ristow, Cecil F. 1931-1937 
Roach, Revelle 1955 — 
Roberts, William Oregon Mission 

1847-1849, O & C 1849-1853, 1853- 

1888 (see index) 
Rockwell, L. E. 1899-1906 
Rodabaugh, Marchant 1871-1872 
Roe, George C. 1854-1875 (102) 
Roeder, George S. 1929-1953 
Roeder, Paul G. 1928-1937 
Rogers, Lowell L. 1879-1882 (174) 
Rogers, W. F. 1901-1912 
Rogers, W. H. 1870-1871 
Rogers, L. L. 1871-1872 (178) 
Rollins, J. C. 1910-1919 
Rollins, William 1888-1890 (186) 
Roork, Geo. W. 1856-1904 
Roork, J. A. 1951 — 
Roork, John H. 1868-1895 (234, 

Roseberry, George G. 1948— (255) 
Ross, W. A. 1908-1909 (278) 
Round, George F. 1888-1928 
Rounds, Edwin D. 1936-1937 
Rounds, Nelson 1868-1874 
Rounds, H. N. 1894-1901 
Rowland, B. F. 1900-1911 (237) 
Royal, J. H. B. 1856-1910 (102-3, 

167, 219) 
Royal, Miller G. 1884-1887 (177) 
Royal, Ladru 1880-1884 (342) 
Royal, Thomas F. 1853-1911 (see 

Royal, William 1857-1870 
Roys ton, Fred Robert 1917-1921 
Ruff, L. J. 1945— 
Rummell, Harry Wallace 1911-1941 
Rutledge, David 1857-1866 
Rutledge, H. I. 1908-1919 
Sails, Thomas L. 1874-1888 (127, 

236, 238, 342) 
Salisbury, H. R. 1907-1917 
Sanders, James Warne 1946-1947 
Sanders, M. L. 1922-1924 
Sanderson, Thomas B. 1857-1865 



Sandifer, F. N. 1908-1921, 1947— 
Sasnett, Joseph Randolph 1920- 

Satchwell, H. P. 1886-1894 
Sattleberg, Donald E. 1955— 
Schiewe, E. C. 1928-1931 
Schnell, Fred J. 1921-1926 
Schroeder, Hans G. 1914-1915 
Schults, G. J. 1890-1892 
Schulze, Daniel H. 1935 — 
Schumann, F. A. 1929-1942 
Schwartz, H. W. 1907-1921 (261, 

Scott, Randall B. 1924-1926 
Seaman, David 1944-1952 
Seymour, Howard A. 1940 — 
Secor, John H. 1922-1925 
Seethoff, John 1926-1929 
Sehnert, Peter J. 1929-1931 
Selleck, W. H. 1902-1910 
Sexton, M. M. 1875-1877 
Shaffer, John H. 1920— 
Shangle, Hiram Sidney 1939-1951 

(202 ff., 341) 
Shannon, D. M. 1895-1900 
Shapland, James E. 1952 — 
Sharp, Byron J. (Sharpe) 1874- 

Shattuck, Robert B. 1929-1932 
Shaw, C. W. 1871-1876 
Shepherd, Charles 1875-1876 
Shellhart, Harold 1931 — 
Sheriff, Harold E. 1953-1954 
Sherwood, Edwin 1913-1921 (188) 
Shippen, Ernest 1956 — 
Shoreland, Edward A. 1883-1886 
Short, Francis Burgette 1904-1920 

Shrode, David L. (Schrode?) 1901- 

Shulse, J. M. 1894-1899 
Sibley, F. R. 1919— 
Simonds, Kenneth 1955 — 
Simpson, Matthew L. 1937-1942, 

1953 — 
Simpson, Wm. G. 1883-1886 
Simpson, G. W. 1880-1881 
Sinclair, Jeremiah C. 1883-1885 
Skidmore, Jos. H. 1868-1874, 1880- 

1884 (167, 171) 

Skipworth, N. M. 1884-1913 (144, 

Skipworth, Walton 1885-1946 (55) 
Sleeth, Asa 1903-1935 (267) 
Smith, David S. 1955 — 
Smith, B. C. 1861-1863 
Smith, Clark 1867-1873 (168, 172) 
Smith, Ernest M. 1909-1921 
Smith, E. V. 1898-1900 
Smith, James H. 1955 — 
Smith, Jerome 1868 only 
Smith, J. S. 1892-1895 
Smith, Joseph S. 1853-1854, 1856 

only (85, 89, 101, 119, 153-4, 156, 

165, 171, 177) 
Smith, Lewis F. 1906-1944 
Smith, Robert Elmer 1914-1919 
Smith, Marion C. 1944 — (297 ff.) 
Smith, Ralph Emerson 1938 — 
Smith, Rollin C. 1866-1869 
Smith, Roy Leslie 1929-1932 
Smith, S. Raynor 1931— (255) 
Smith, Nevitt B. 1946-1951, 1954 — 
Smith, Stacy A. 1899-1901 
Smith, S. Raynor, Jr. 1940-1942 
Smith, W. B. 1939-1946 
Smith, Wilfred F. 1902-1906 
Smothers, U. C. 1922-1929 
Smythe, Charles M. 1902-1903 
Snyder, Fred W. 1913-1923 
Snyder, R. D. 1924-1950 
Snyder, Samuel 1898-1923 
Snyder, Sanford 1903-1917 
Sorlien, J. Palmer 1946— 
Sparr, M. E. 1909-1910 
Spangler, J. W. 1888-1902 
Spalding, D. L. (Spaulding?) 1858- 

1905 (277, 342) 
Spaulding, Frank R. 1923-1943 
Spence, R. A. 1937-1943 
Spencer, John 1854-1884 (102) 
Spencer, John Caroll 1911-1926 
Spiess, Henry 1905-1933 
Spiess, Gustavus Adolphus 1917- 

Stanfield, Joshua 1916-1921 
Stangeland, Edgar M. 1890-1892 
Stanton, Edmond B. 1953 — 
Stark, J. B. 1901-1905 
Starmer, A. J. 1939-1955 



Starr, Noah A. 1854-1860, 1861-1881 

Starr, Philip M. 1856-1900 (234-5, 

Starr, S. Asbury 1878-1900, 1901- 

1902 (342) 
St. Clair, Harry L. 1899-1906 
Steele, Seth R. 1919-1920 
Stephens, D. G. 1894-1924 (278) 
Stevens, Daniel W. 1937-1948 
Stewart, Grant 1905 only 
Stewart, W. C. 1908-1916 
Stiehl, Rollin 1921-1923 
Stierle, Carl E. 1948-1953 
Stilwell, J. Fred 1923 only 
Stockwell, C. A. 1902-1921 
Storaker, Gustav A. 1949 — 
Stratford, J. L. 1892-1899, 1903-1930 
Stratton, Carroll C. 1858-1872, 

1890-1910 (175, 177, 180, 262) 
Strevey, Joseph E. 1922-1940 
Streyffeler, Oscar B. 1900-1901 
Struble, Wallace R. 1891-1892 
Stryker, Stanton W. 1893-1899 
Stubbs, R. S. 1876-1878 
Summerville, D. T. 1887-1925 
Sundermann, August H. 1886-1887 
Sutcliffe, Robert 1908-1915 
Sutton, Frank 1939-1951 
Swartz, H. W. (see Schwartz) 
Sweeney, Joseph M. 1882-1906 

Sweeney, J. T. 1880-1881 
Switzer, William Whitney 1929- 

Sykes, Gabriel 1890-1918, 1922-1940 
Taber, Lester E. 1920-1926 
Talbott, Henry J. 1901-1906 (186, 

188, 276, 278) 
Tate, J. G. 1889-1890 
Taylor, Archibald 1859-1862 
Taylor, Fred C. 1925-1937, 1944— 
Taylor, H. Erne 1948-1952 
Taylor, John A. 1956— 
Tedrick, N. F. 1895-1898 
Temple, Thomas H. 1922-1943 

Tennant, William 1941 — 
Tennyson, Merill G. 1925-1929 

Terry, Earl W. 1947-1951, 1953— 

Terry, Edward 1927— 
Thoburn, Crawford W. 1899-1899 
Thomas, Norman E. 1956 — 
Thomas, Ralph I. 1921-1923 
Thomas, Louis 1908-1916 
Thomas, Warren C. 1951— (277-8) 
Thompson, Alfred 1901-1910 (162) 
Thompson, A. H. 1921-1923, 1929- 

Thompson, Elmer E. 1891-1894 
Thompson, Ernest L. 1892-1897 
Thompson, James S. 1954 — 
Thompson, Lloyd 1923-1927 
Thompson, Robert Franklin 1941- 

Thompson, J. W. 1915-1918 
Tilton, Ellisworth M. 1934-1957 

Tindall, John 1866-1867 
Todd, C. W. 1868-1876 (167) 
Todd, E. H. 1910-1914 
Todd, George C. 1924-1928 (295, 

Todd, S. H. 1865-1876 
Tower, E. P. 1876-1890 
Townsen, Dwight 1954 — 
Traglio, E. J. 1929-1945 
Trefren, Stanley D. 1930-1932, 

Treman, Arthur R. 1920-1949 
Trick, Ormal B. 1928— (10, 278) 
Trimble, Delmar H. 1906-1914 
Trobough, George A. 1952 — 
Tuffs, Floyd E. 1953-1955 
Tufts, G. L. 1904-1935 (238, 243) 
Turner, G. Wesley 1947 — 
Turner, J. W. 1866-1874 
Van Cleve, J. W. 1872-1874 
Vandersal, S. S. 1872-1879 
Van Deventer, B. F. 1882-1884 
Van Fossen, H. J. 1906-1919 
Van Marter, C. M. 1907-1924 (238, 

Van Scoy, Thomas 1880-1898 (175, 

177, 180, 182) 
Van Scoy, W. T. 1883-1890 (173, 

Van Winkle, J. Stanley 1916-1919 


Vincent, Orlo Ray 1934-1940 

Voce, J. D. 1907-1910 

Vosper, Alfred 1942— 

Waaler, Hans S. 1882-1892 (272) 

Waddington, Bert 1923-1930 

Waehlte, Fred 1909-1913 

Wagner, A. D. 1905-1906 

Walby, Lewis 1890-1892 

Walker, Daniel D. 1948 

Walker, D. R. S. 1907-1908 

Walker, Leroy Hilton 1922-1934 

Walker, William 1955 — 

Wall, Oren 1911 — 

Waller, Alvin F. Oregon Mission 

1840-1849, O & C 1849-1853, 

1853-1872 (see index) 
Walter, J. J. 1895-1905 (274-5, 278) 
Walters, John M. 1921-1924 
Walters, Eugene Humphrey 1954 — 
Warrell, John W. 1912— (278) 
Waltz, W. J. 1898-1904 
Wann, Harry A. 1922-1926 
Ward, Ira F. 1871-1874 
Warner, Walter Raymond 1929- 

1938, 1948 — 
Warren, Robert L. 1947-1949 
Warren, S. V. 1903-1905 
Warren, William Joseph 1913-1935 
Watters, Demus A. 1890-1926 (238) 
Watters, George 1869-1873 (277) 
Wax, Forest 1923-1925 
Webb, Ernest 1955-1957 
Webb, Hyrum P. 1883-1895 
Weber, George Elmer 1954, 1956— 
Weber, W. J. 1907-1922 
Wedel, Richard C. 1952-1953 
Weigle, A. J. 1929-1930 
Weiss, Henry L. 1924-1930 (278) 
Wemett, Frank L. 1919-1946 
Wentsch, Carl A. 1929-1955 
Wentzell, G. J. 1908-1919 (276, 

Werts, Forest W. 1954-1957 
Westberg, Christian L. 1890-1892 
Westervelt, J. H. 1909-1918 (276-8) 
Whaley, Ennis Marshall 1946-1951 
Wharton, C. E. 1914-1914 
Wheeler, T. S. 1939-1955 
White, Boone L. 1954— 
Whitaker, George 1891-1893 

White, Oscar A. 1894-1898 
Whitfield, Wilmot 1894-1896 
Whitehead, Thomas 1956 — 
Whitman, Orval M. 1937— 
Whitmore, O. B. 1886-1893 
Whittaker, George 1891-1895 
Wigstad, D. S. (Wigstead) 1891- 

Wilbur, J. W. Oregon Mission 1847- 

1849, O & C 1849-1853, 1853-1873 

(see index) 
Wilcox, Allen Cale 1944— (277) 
Wilhelm, Halford V. 1926-1931 

Wilkie, William 1887 only 
Wilkins, R. B. 1903-1907 
Wilkinson, H. S. 1910-1916 
Williams, W. T. 1881-1884, 1885- 

Willings, Velmore E. 1913-1915 
Willison, W. A. 1887-1889 
Wilmot, W. E. 1871-1874 
Wilson, Albert J. 1931-1953 
Wilson, Clarence True 1905-1939 
Wilson, Ernest E. 1953 — 
Wilson, Gile V. 1955 — 
Wilson, Isaac 1873-1876 
Wilson, James L. 1942 (278) 
Wilson, Samuel P. 1883-1894 (180) 
Winton, Frederick D. 1871-1873 
Wire, M.C. 1884-1930 (57) 
Wire, Melville T. 1902-1908, 

1910— (180, 186, 237) 
Withnell, E. W. 1922-1941 
Wolfe, David 1892-1917 
Wolfe, Edward A. 1939-1950 
Wolfe, Leo G. 1938-1940 
Wolfe, John T. 1859-1861, 1865- 

Wood, Clark J. 1946-1947 
Wood, Irvin Brackett 1921-1924 
Wood, John Harrison 1883-1891 

Wood, John Henry 1880-1883 
Wood, Lynn A. 1930-1939 
Wood, John 1953 — 
Wood, W. D. 1939-1940 
Wood, Thomas A. 1867-1876 
Woodfin, John D. 1917-1929 
Woods, Martindale 1948-1951 



Woodward, Luther T. (O and C) 
1851-1853, 1853-1875 (see index) 
Wooley, C. H. 1906-1909 
Workman, James W., Jr. 1954 — 
Wright, Wayne T. 1927-1936 
Wythe, J. H. 1866-1869 
Yarnes, Thomas David 1911-1957 

(see index) 
York, J. W. 1856-1884 (156) 
Young, Benjamin 1907-1914 
Young, Frank L. 1900-1909 

Young, Henry 1923-1935 
Young, Robert Carl 1912-1921, 

Young, William S. 1898-1903 
Youngson, William Wallace 1913- 

1955 (58-9, 244, 295, 297) 
Yumibe, Kioshi 1940-1948 
Zeller, Harley A. 1944— (278) 
Zellers, Wm. H. 1883-1884 
Zimmerman, Eugene T. 1897-1913 
Zimmerman, L. C. 1901-1910 





Some of those named in the list which follows have been members of 
other Conferences (usually in the retired relation) , ministers of other 
denominations temporarily employed to serve Methodist churches. Also 
listed are a number of local preachers who have studied part of the 
course prescribed for them. Devout laymen who have been willing to 
serve for a time during days of shortage of qualified ministers may find 
their names on this roll. 

The dates given indicate beginning and end of service. However, it is 
possible that, in some cases, a pastor may not have been employed con- 
tinuously as indicated. Many of those included in Appendix A also served 
as supply pastors, either before being received on trial in the Conference 
or after taking the retired relation, continuing as long as health and 
strength permitted. Note page references. 

Abbott, Kennith 1942— 
Ackermann, Paul R. 1936 — 
Adkins, Betty 1945 (only) 
Agan, Prof. Raymond 1956— 
Akers, L. B. 1906-1907 
Albaugh, E. W. 1925-1926 
Alford, A. G. 1903-1919 
Alford, E. C. 1898-1945 
Alford, J. G. 1918 (only) 
Allen, H. H. 1926-1928 
Allen, T. F. 1927-1929 
Allen, W. A. 1902 (only) 
Allen, W. T. 1897 (only) 
Alley, J. M. 1899 
Anderson, Charles 1955-1956 
Anderson, Constance 1942 
Anderson, Scott W. 1952— 
Appleyard, W. W. 1946— 
Armstrong, Arthur J. 1917 
Astleford, C. W. 1940-1942 
Atkinson, T. 1882 
Atkinson, T. W. 1913 
Austin, Frank 1905 
Avery, John 1947-1948 

Babbit, H. A. 1921 
Bailey, Floyd S. 1932 
Baker, E. 1896-1897 

Baker, M. C. 1886-1887 
Baldwin, Lee 1939-1942 
Bales, George 1950-1953 
Bamford, Carrie 1925-1927 
Banks, R. R. 1908-1911 
Barry, A. B. 1919 
Barton, E. D. 1924-1925 
Barnard, A. F. 1929 
Baugh, Mrs. Helen 1937-1938 
Beadles, U. O. 1924-1927 
Beall, Hayes, 1930-1933 
Beck, Harold 1948-1949 
Belknap, E. H. 1904 
Bell, Keith A. 1947-1948 
Bennett, C. L. 1921-1923 
Bennett, G. P. 1907-1908 
Bennett, G. W. 1878-1879 
Bennett, J. H. 1921-1923 
Bennett, W. David 1954— 
Bent, P. C. 1929-1930 
Benton, Joel R. 1918-1925 
Beveridge, J. H. 1949-1952 
Bickford, Harry G. 1926-1930 
Black, S. A. 1903-1904 
Blackler, Carl E. 1929-1933 
Blackstock, Don 1942 
Blackwell, J. W. 1917-1918 
Blackwell, W. L. 1895-1911 



Blake, H. P. 1907-1908 
Blanchet, L. 1907-1908 
Bletcher, Don 1950-1952 
Bock, Paul 1952-1953 
Bolliger, Mrs. Violet 1947 — 
Boon, J. D. 1953 
Boothby, E. Lynn 1925-1926 
Boswell, J. W. 1879-1880 
Bolt, Eric 1914-1916 
Botts, Charles E. 1900 
Bowers, Donald M. 1946-1950 
Bowers, Everett L. 1945-1950 
Bowman, H. R. 1924-1925 
Boyer, James 1956 — 
Bradshaw, Bert V. 1928-1944 (278) 
Braner, John 1887-1888 
Brayford, E. 1900 
Brewer, H. W. 1918-1919 
Brisbin,A. M. 1901 (278) 
Brittain, C. E. 1938-1952 
Brown, A. W. 1937-1947 
Brown, F. Audley 1921-1931 
Brown, Earl 1912-1913 
Brown, Charles M. 1899-1938 
Brown, Gilbert D. 1940-1943 
Brown, Thomas 1884-1885 
Brymer, Robert 1911-1919 
Buck, J. L. 1943 — 
Bullock, M. L. 1911-1914 
Burbank, G. L. 1897-1910 
Burkey, E. R. 1950 — 
Burleson, Harold 1948-1953 
Burnett, G. W. 1912 
Bush, William 1956 
Bushong, F. M. 1931-1932 
Byers, A. A. 1889 

Cady, R. D. 1909-1916 
Calame, C. E. 1944-1950 
Calame, W. B. 1901-1902 
Call, W. J. 1923-1925 
Camp, C. L. 1938-1939 
Camp, Mrs. C. L. 1939-1946 
Campbell, C. E. 1910-1911 
Campbell, E. H. 1915-1918 
Campbell, C. H. 1902-1905 
Cannell, Fletcher L. 1924-1954 
Carlson, Mrs. Edward 1942-1946 
Carlson, John 1951 
Carney, B. G. 1921-1925 

Carpenter, J. R. 1928-1931 
Carter, Richard A. 1898-1900 
Chapman, A. A. 1921-1923 
Chapman, C. E. 1920 
Chapman, L. W. 1908 
Chappell, S. A. 1938-1943 
Child, A. G. 1890-1919 
Church, W. C. 1891-1892 
Clapp, Phillip S. 1942-1943 
Clark, Loran D. 1946-1947 
Claycamp, Elmer 1947-1949 
Coan, Royce A. 1946-1955 
Cole, D. George 1929-1931 
Cole, Everett 1930-1931 
Coleman, John 1902-1907 
Collins, Evelyn 1943-1944 
Collins, O. C. 1915 
Combs, S. 1910-1911 
Comstock, C. W. 1911-1916 
Conder, James E. 1918-1919 
Cone, Maude E. 1940 
Cone, Wendell 1938— 
Cook, L. D. 1922-1923 
Cook, H. M. 1923-1926 
Cook, Walter, 1937-1938 
Cookingham, R. T. 1919-1948 

Coop, C. C. 1911-1930 (278) 
Corbin, R. E. 1912 
Cotton, Mrs. Earl (Ruth S.) 1956— 
Craig, J. W. 1908-1909 
Cowley, J. T. 1913-1954 
Cox, W. E. 1944-1947 
Crawford, A. K. 1883-1884 
Crook, F. D. 1892-1893 
Crouch, Hershal M. 1945-1946 
Croxton, T. 1868-1869 
Cullen, J. W. 1911-1912 
Cummings, J. 1868-1869 
Currier, C. N. 1923, 1945-1950 
Currier, Clarence 1944 

Danhuff, Amos 1904-1905 
Darling, Harold 1943-1944 
Davies, L. C. 1931-1932 
Davis, C. B. 1893-1894 
Davis, D. S. 1910-1913 
Davis, M. C. 1908-1910 
Day, Levi, 1908-1912 
Deich, Prof. Charles 1925-1927 



DeLess, Lloyd 1943-1944 
Deniston, G. W. 1913 
Dent, D. E. 1939-1940 
Derrick, J. E. 1939-1946 
Dickey, Chas. J. 1936-1943 
Dickey, Thomas J. 1936 
Dierdorff, H. A. 1947-1954 
Ditter, Meyer T. 1944-1945 
Dix, C. C. 1921-1931 
Dodge, Walter F. 1954 
Dollarhide, William 1884-1885 
Douglass, L. C. 1915 
Douglas, J. W., Sr. 1936-1941 
Douglas, W. J., Jr. 1937 
Douglas, W. F. 1940-1953 
Doxsee, Herald 1915-1917 
Drake, J. M. 1903 
Driver, Grace 1922-1930 
Dunlap, R. R. 1902-1903 
DuVall, Henry E. 1946-1949 
Dull, Elwood 1952-1953 
Durland, Wesley 1949-1951 

Earl, Simeon D. 1876-1878 
Eaton, Charles 1891 
Edwards, R. L. 1912 
Ellis, George R. 1927-1941 
Ellis, Reed 1943-1953 
Ellsworth, E. R. 1918-1918 
Ellsworth, R. C. 1891-1897 (277) 
Empey, W. B. 1924-1947 
Erb, Leslie D. 1939 
Erickson, Constance V. 1950 
Ernst, J. H. 1928-1930 
Erwin, J. C. 1916 
Evans, E. R. 1911 
Everett, Paul J. 1905 
Ewing, W. D. 1899 
Exon, J. W. 1901-1908 

Fairchild, W. T. 1913 
Farnsworth, E. D. 1912 
Fenton, Levi 1923-1924 
Ferguson, R. J. 1908-1931 (278) 
Ferguson, T. J. 1900 
Fessler, C. L. 1919-1920 
Filbert, F. M. 1928-1930 
Fisher, Jesse 1900 
Forbes, Wayne 1956 — 
Ford, B. F. 1927-1928 

Ford, F. S. 1916-1920 
Fowler, J. 1887 
Fowler, H. L. 1900 
Forman, L. G. 1923 
Foster, A. T. 1928-1932 
Fox, Merrill H. 1940-1943 
Franklin, J. F. 1924-1925 
Franklin, S. 1879-1880 
Frey, T. C. 1908-1909 
Fysh, Richard 1894-1901 

Garboden, G. A. 1926-1946 (278) 
Garland, A. F. 1936-1938 
Garner, W. M. 1919 
Gebert, E. H. 1913 
Gerrish, James 1955 
Gift, L. 1868-1869 
Gillett, A. P. 1894-1904 
Gillispie, J. H. 1919-1920 
Givin, R. A. 1903 
Glazier, J. 1891 
Glazier, Wesley 1903 
Good, C. P. 1894 
Goode, D. J. 1908 
Goode, John A. 1903 
Gooderham, William 1911 
Gordon, Wesley 1929-1930 
Gordon, W. D. 1927-1928 
Gottman, Adam 1908-1909 
Goudge, Ernest 1907-1908 
Gourley, W. R. 1946 
Graff, E. C. 1892 
Gravenor, Horace 1949 — 
Green, Cecil B. 1953-1954 
Groth, Claude 1946-1947 
Guthberlet, Robert 1954-1955 

Hadley, Ivan 1946-1952 
Hagar, J. M. 1912 
Haight, F. M. 1923-1931 
Hamblen, E. V. 1946-1949 
Hamilton, W. J. 1939-1952 
Hampton, M. W. 1892-1899 
Hansen, Arthur L. 1945-1950 
Hansen, A. J. 1888-1890 
Hansen, Reta P. 1937-1948 
Hanson, N. M. 1900 
Hantzmon, W. H. 1943-1944 
Harden, C. R. 1901 
Harding, Dorothy 1940-1946 (290) 



Hargraves, Edward 1951-1952 
Hargreaves, Hal 1953-1955 
Harned, W. H. 1903-1904 
Haroun, F. N. 1922-1926 
Harris, Sidney E. 1933-1934 
Hatch, W. M. 1902-1904 
Hatch, George H. 1949-1955 
Hawk, N. S. 1929-1946 
Hayden, Paul 1947-1948 
Henderson, W. H. 1895 
Herrmann, H. G. 1940-1955 
Herron,J. G. 1871-1872 (168) 
Hertzog, W. H. 1929-1930 
Hess, C. R. 1944-1946 
Hester, C. P. 1902 
Hevener, W. W. 1915-1916 
Hibbard, Eugene 1936-1937 
Hickerson, J. H. 1918 
Hickman, M. 1880-1881 
Hicks, J. H. 1932-1933 
Hill, B. A. 1883-1884 
Hiller, J. M. 1907-1908 
Hitchcock, Ernestine 1948 — 
Hixon, J. M. 1910-1915 
Hockett, J. C. 1893-1895 
Holder, Miriam 1926-1927 
Hoerauf, Arthur 1946-1953 
Horner, E. D. 1891 
Hoskins, William 1897 
Hotchkin, A. S. 1918-1919 
Hotchkiss, A. B. 1908 
Hotchkiss, S. S. 1943-1946 
Howard, C. D. 1890-1891 
Huckabee, Don B. 1936-1942 
Hudson, J. D. 1883-1884 
Hughes, Richard 1953 
Hulburd, A. D. 1928-1933 
Hummel, Ronald 1953 
Hunt, Robert 1946-1948 
Huntley, Larry W. 1949 
Hurlburt, W. 1876 
Hutchins, J. A. 1941-1945 
Hutchinson, W. 1914 
Hutchinson, Myra 1923-1924 

Igo, Jerry 1949-1953 
Irwin, J. C. 1916 

Jaquith, Paul 1943 
Jardine, Florence 1944-1947 

Jefferson, C. W. 1931-1936 
Jenkins, A. S. 1911-1924 
Jenkins, Fred. L. 1929-1930 
Jensen, John 1888 
Johnson, Clifford 1947-1949 
Johnson, Don 1947-1948 
Johnson, Fred 1946 
Johnson, J. R. 1882-1883 
Johnson, O. C. 1949-1952 
Johnson, Levin 1912-1913 
Judd, Lloyd 1948 
Johnson, Roger K. 1945 
Johnson, W. D. 1911-1912 
Jones, C. D. 1920-1921 
Jones, L. B. 1918-1919 
Jones, Lucian 1940-1944 
Jordan, John 1941-1942 
Jordan, W. M. 1901-1902 

Kager, J. W. 1883-1884 
Kahler, George 1893-1895 
Keagy, A. R. 1914 
Kellogg, Richard 1950-1951 
Keating, Mrs. Alice 1921-1922 
Kemp, H. G. 1905 
Kemp, W. A. 1891-1894 
Kent, Arthur 1939-1953 
Ketcham, W. C. 1913 
Kincaid, Horace 1918-1919 
Koehler, George 1892-1893 
Koontz, B. E. 1938-1940 
Koth, Kenneth K. 1947-1950 
Kunke, G. D. 1884-1885 

Lahmon, Mrs. Earle 1943-1944 
Lamb, Warren B. 1922-1923 
Lambert, Glenn L. 1953-1954 
Laramour, E. N. 1908-1909 
Leitner, Hans R. 1954 — 
Lloyd, Mark B. 1949-1950 
Lauback, A. 1876 
Lawrence, G. R. 1913 
Lemery, J. A. 1911 
Libby, Mrs. Lucile T. 1943-1945 
Lingerf elder, Fred 1940-1941 
Lisle, Everett 1941-1943 
Lockett, E. C. 1909-1911 
Long, F. J. 1900-1901 
Loughseed, S. D. 1883 
Lovelace, A. M. 1893 
Ludington, Charles 1898 


MacTavish, D. J. 1944-1945 
Malty, Roy 1955 
Marble, Ivan 1949-1950 
Marple, C. R. 1925 
Marquam, C. R. 1906-1908 
Martin, A. R. 1949 
Martin, R. B. 1917 
Mason, R. W. 1907-1908 
Mathis, R. E. 1913-1914 
Mathison, Robt. L. 1909-1910 
Mathews, J. T. 1902 
Mays, Henry 1901 
McAbee, Earl 1921-1924 
McAuley, James 1950-1954 
McClintock, A. 1918-1919 
McClurg, J. N. 1941-1942 
McCullum, F. E. 1883-1884 
McDaniel, Kenneth E. 1935-1936 
McDougall, David S. 1946 
Mcintosh, E. A. 1923-1947 (278) 
McKown, L. 1895 
McManee, A. J. 1876-1877 
Mears, J. A. 1904 
Medlin, M. D. 1941-1942 
Messenger, L. E. 1939-1941 
Michel, H. F. 1888-1889 (271) 
Michner, R. T. 1925 
Mickelson, F. R. 1916-1917 
Miller, Joseph S. 1926-1933 
Miller, W. T. 1920 
Mills, Eugene 1943-1944 
Mills, W. W. 1931-1933 
Minor, M. M. 1916-1917 
Minton, J. G. 1924-1927 
Mitchell, C. R. 1933-1936 
Mitzner, Amanda 1927-1931 
Moorehouse, W. D. 1895-1901 
Morse, B. H. 1916 
Mott, A. B. 1899-1900 
Moys, Henry 1892-1905 
Munson, Mark 1909-1910 
Murphey, Elva G. 1943 
Murray, Glen 1955 — 
Murttrey, John L. 1953-1955 
Musson, Gertrude L. 1950-1951 
Myers, Clarice 1936-1937 
Needham, J. B. 1942-1944 
Niel, Kenneth 1949-1950 
Nolan, M. T. 1921-1926 
Ogier, Orrin C. 1947 

Olson, A. C. 1925-1926 
Osborne, G. Howard 1901 

Palmer, J. W. 1949-1952 
Parker, L. G. 1911-1913 
Parrott, C. L. 1922-1923 
Paul, B. B. 1908-1915 
Payne, Oscar W. 1922-1933 
Payne, W. F. 1922-1923 
Pavne, W. S. 1924-1925 
Pearce, W. T. 1907-1915 (278) 
Pease, Bertha 1926-1928 
Pease, Harry 1956 
Peffly, W. H. 1912 
Perkins, J. W. 1906-1911 
Peterson, Hans 1937-1946 
Prehm, R. H. 1950-1953 
Phelps, Roy 1948 
Phillippi, Rose 1927-1929 
Phillips, F. G. 1937-1938 
Pickering, C. A. 1926-1936 
Pickering, Rex 192.6-1928 
Pierce, Gustavus M. 1885-1890 
Pierce, James O. 1898-1909 
Piper, F. A. 1913-1916 
Pitner, W. 1868-1869 
Place, Stuart 1945-1952 
Polhemus, E. R. 1943-1946 
Pollard, Hubert 1924-1925 
Poole, C. A. 1926-1928 
Porter, U. D. 1910-1911 
Potter, S. W. 1891-1902 
Powell, B. B. 1892-1893 
Pratt, C. C. 1924-1929 
Preston, H. C. 1908-1916 
Prior, C. U. 1922-1923 
Pryor, T. J. 1939-1948 
Purcell, D. H. 1917-1920 
Putnam, Gale 1943-1944 
Putnam, Israel 1900-1903 

Ragsdale, J. C. 1916-1917 
Ramsdell, T. M. 1893 
Ranton, H. J. 1919 
Rawlins, G. E. 1900 
Ray, Fred H. 1940-1947 
Raymond, C. W. 1901 
Reames, Isaac T. 1913 
Reed, John C. 1899 
Reed, M. C. 1913-1915 



Reid, M. M. 1908-1909, 1923 
Reed, M. N. 1929-1931 
Reese, A. B. 1919 
Reeves, F. H. 1907-1908 
Reid, E. E. 1907 
Reynolds, J. W. 1945-1946 
Richardson, G. W. 1891 
Ridenour, W. E. 1910 
Rider, W. H. 1882 
Ridgeway, Robert 1941 
Riggs, W. M. D. 1915 
Ritter, Roland E. 1946 
Robertson, F. M. 1883 
Robinson, William 1853 
Rogers, S. G. 1917 
Rolland, W. M. 1925-1926 
Roreck, E. E. E. 1905-1907 
Rose, Ashley 1954 — 
Ross, Walter 1913-1923 
Rosser, H. N. 1908 
Royer, James 1947 — 
Runyan, W. S. 1911 

Sage, W. C. 1929 
Samuelson, John 1905 
Sams, Joseph 1892-1910 
Saubeck, A. 1875 
Schenk, Quentin 1946-1947 
Scheumann, Otto 1916-1917 
Schneider, David 1956 
Schofield, Francis E. 1909-1912 
Schoenlaber, C. E. 1925-1926 
Schreiber, Charles 1937 — 
Scott, Franklin W. 1946-1948 
Scott, Richard T. 1955-1956 
Scudder, G. C. 1915-1916 (278) 
Searles, C. J. 1916-1918 (278) 
Shapland, James 1949 
Short, Raymond 1940-1942 
Shrode, N. M. 1921-1926 
Shrode, W. W. 1909-1910 
Simmons, W. D. 1909-1910 
Simms, E. C. 1926-1927 
Simpson, J. 1892-1893 
Slighter, S. S. 1880-1881 
Smiley, Robert 1930 
Smith, Charles A. 1895-1897 
Smith, C. A. 1924-1925 
Smith, Clarence D. 1919 
Smith, Clark M. 1952-1955 

Smith, J. D. 1947-1949 

Smith, Jennie E. 1946-1947 

Smith, J. F. 1921 — 

Smith, J. M. 1897 

Smith, J. R. 1947-1949 

Smith, Pierre 1939-1948 

Smith, William 1875 

Snyder, Lawrence 1924 

Sorenson, Norman 1930-1931 

Sorlein, Gertrude 1956 — 

Soule, T. F. 1903-1904 

Sparks, Isaiah 1910-1913 

Stanard, }. G. 1918 

Starkey, R. T. 1946-1947 

Stearns (Starnes) , Thomas 1892- 

1897 (277) 
Starr, Clay 1903-1905 
Stay ton, Esther 1923-1934 
Stevens, J. G. 1904 
Stewart, D. H. 1909-1910 
Stille, J. C. 1915-1916 
Stimson, T. H. 1886-1887 
Stone, R. H. 1910-1912 
Strawbridge, T. J. 1913 
Streeter, Noble 1956 
Stricklin, W. H. 1899 
Stuart, J. W. 1944-1945 
Surface, J. H. 1890 
Sutton, Laird 1956— 
Swanson, L. E. 1955 — 
Swaren, Roger, 1948-1952 

Taylor, H. Erne 1947-1950 
Taylor, W. S. 1890-1892 
Tenant, J. A. 1880-1884 
Tenny, C. W. 1940-1943 
Thomas, L. 1945 
Thompson, Burt G. 1925-1927 
Thompson, F. C. 1903-1904 (237) 
Thornton, Leo 1948-1950 
Thornburg, Harold G. 1949-1951 
Thorpe, G. M. 1903-1904 
Tillman, William H. 1944-1946 
Todd, S. L. 1917-1918 
Tonkins, John 1895-1899 
Tragitt, H. N., Jr. 1953 
Trevi thick, T. H. 1926-1928 
Trites, Geo. P. 1913-1929 
Troy, C. O. 1918 

Ulrich, Mrs. John B. 1945-1947 



Van Ness, Lucile 1928 
Van Winkle, Isaac 1876 
Vergeer, Peter 1927-1928 
Vimont, E. A. 1923-1928 
Vitaris, Frank 1952-1954 
Wagg, Sanford 1930-1931 
Waggoner, G. O. 1927-1928 
Walker, Clyde 1944-1945 
Walker, W. A. 1930-1933 
Wallace, S. H. 1891-1895 
Walton, Howard 1951— 
Wang, James F. S. 1896-1897 (267, 

Warfield, J. W. 1900 
Waring, E. H. 1875 
Warner, George 1914-1916 
Warrington, Martha 1942-1943 
Watrous, Mrs. Clara 1942 
Way, Geo. H. 1911-1913 
Weatherby, Mrs. M. G. 1949-1954 
Weaver, L. G. 1935-1953 
Weeks, C. P. 1918 
Weeks, C. T. 1926-1927 
Wentworth, Chas. 1898-1899 
Werth, Wilmer 1940-1944 
Whitaker, Morgan 1928 
White, Glenn P. 1925— 
White, Levi 1943-1956 
Wiederhold, Herman 1937-1938 
Wilcox, R. E. 1911-1922 

Wildermuth, Wesley 1943-1944 
Wiles, Thomas 1904-1908 
Wilkins, James 1940-1943 
Williams, Ethel 1943-1953 
Williams, John E. 1940-1942 
Williams, J. W. 1898-1904 
Williams, W. E. 1914-1915 
Willings, W. F. 1916-1939 
Wilson, Campbell 1895-1896 
Wilson, W. L. 1911-1916 
Witham, F. M. 1920-1921 
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Wood, D. Hugh 1951-1953 
Wood, John 1892-1893 
Wood, J. L. 1893-1894 
Woodworth, D. D. 1932 
Woods, J. H. 1907-1909 
Wooley, Alice May 1936 — 
Worts, D. C. 1888-1889 
Wrenn, C. G. 1925-1926 
Wright, W. J. 1900 

Yeoman, S. A. 1922-1923 
Yen, Louis 1908 

Zeller, H. James 1944-1947 
Zimmerman, L. F. 1916 
Zumwalt, Andrew 1854 



Chapter 1 — The Oregon Country and Its Inhabitants 

1. H. H. Bancroft, History of Oregon, 1866, I, 17-25; C. H. Carey, A General History 
of Oregon, 1935, I, 8-15. 

2. Dorothy O. Johansen and Charles M. Gates, Empire of the Columbia, 1957, 58. 

3. Ibid., 138, 142. 

4. R. C. Clark (Willamette Valley, Oregon, 1927, 61) makes a carefully considered 
estimate of 10,000 Indian inhabitants of the lower Willamette Valley when Lewis 
and Clark visited the area. Jedediah Morse, in his report to the Secretary of War 
published in 1822 estimated the number of Indians west of the Rocky Mountains 

(not including California) at 171,200. See F. W. Hodge, ed., Handbook of American 
Indians North of Mexico, 1907. 

5. Johansen and Gates, chapter 1; Clark, chapter 2. The "cold sick" of 1829 was a 
new malady among the Indians; Clark thinks it was fever and ague. Dr. Mc- 
Loughlin estimated that nine-tenths of the Indian population died, but many 
must have migrated to more healthful locations. In his letters, Dr. McLoughlin 
noted "very great" casualties from "remittant fever" or fever and ague. Burt 
Brown Barker, ed., Letters of Dr. John McLoughlin, 1948, 212-3, 216-7; McLoughlin 
to Heron, Sept. 9, 1831; McLoughlin to Simpson, et al, Oct. 20, 1831. Horace S. 
Lyman, History of Oregon, 1903, IV, 369, quotes P. J. DeSmet, Oregon Missions, 
1847. As an Indian enterprise solely, the Jason Lee mission was foredoomed to 
failure because of the health factor. On the other hand, depopulation of the 
natives made it safe for whites to colonize the area. Basing his statement on com- 
ments by Jonathan S. Green, Rev. Samuel Parker, W. H. Gray, Daniel Lee, Dr. 
Elijah White, and many other contemporaries, Harvey E. Tobie in The Willamette 
Valley Before the Great Great Immigrations, MS, 1927, 100, came to the rather 
extreme conclusion that "the immoral sailor, rather than the missionary, trader 
or soldier, deserves chief credit for making the settlement of Oregon possible in 
the mid-nineteenth century." Jonathan S. Green, Journal of a Tour on the North- 
west Coast of America in the Year 1829, 1915, 39; Daniel Lee and J. H. Frost, 
Ten Years in Oregon, 1850, 43; Oregon Historical Quarterly, XXIII, "Oregon Mis- 
sion Record Book," 244-6, 238, 253, 258; Rev. Samuel Parker, Journal of an Ex- 
ploring Tour, 1835, 1838, 177. 

6. Dale L. Morgan, Jedediah Smith, 1953, 176, 275. Morgan has a copy of a letter 
from McLoughlin to Smith, September 12, 1828, in which the Chief Factor as- 
sured Smith that, in seeking return of Smith's furs by the Indians, he was actuated 
solely by feelings of humanity. He made it clear, however, that he was unwilling 
to have Trader McLeod attempt to apply punitive measures beyond the capacity 
of forces available. Carey, I, 282-284; Clark, 237. 

7. Ibid., 284-286; Johansen and Gates, 208. 

8. Jason Lee's Diary for June 22, 1834; Carey, I, 286-7. 

9. Morgan, 128-30, 134-8; Lyman, III, 85. 

10. Letters of Dr. John McLoughlin, 215-6; McLoughlin to Birnie, Oct. 6, 1830, 60; 
McLoughlin to Simpson, et al, Oct. 20, 1831, 213; McLoughlin to Ogden, Jan. 19, 
1832, 245; McLoughlin to Finlayson, July 17, 1832, 291. Dr. McLoughlin gave in- 
jury to trade at least equal importance with injury to the Indians. Instructions to 
traders were that they should give no liquor to the Indians unless the Americans 
did. Economy, because of short supply, was stressed. 

11. Carey, I, 260; Johansen and Gates, 181-2. 

12. Clark, 220, 221, 189. 

13. Ibid., 210, 216; Harvey E. Tobie, No Man Like Joe, 1949, 97, 111, 120. 

14. Clark, 222 ff.; Johansen and Gates, 145, 162-3, 198-9. 

15. Lee and Frost, 125. 

16. Parker, 175. 

17. Clark, 231; Lyman, III, 251 ff., Lyman and Clark (and Tobie in the MS cited) 
attempt the difficult task of trying to name settlers. 



Chapter 2 — From Indian Mission to White Civilization 

1. An address at the unveiling of the picture of Jason Lee in the State Capitol build- 
ing at Salem, Oregon, October 29, 1920. T. T. Geer was Governor of Oregon, 
January 9, 1899 to January 14, 1903. 

2. Barker, Letters of Dr. John McLoughlin, 185, 260 (McLoughlin to Simpson, March 
15, 1832) ; Morgan, 119-20, 132, 272 (Governor and Committee to Simpson, March, 
1827) ; Clark, 228, 154-161. 

3. John Ball, Autobiography, 1925, 94-7; Oregon Historical Quarterly, III, "Across 
the Continent Seventy Years Ago," 103-4; Lee and Frost, 128-30, 125, 291-2; 
Washington Historical Quarterly, XVII, Charles Wilkes, U.S.N., "Diary of Wilkes 
in the Northwest," 54; Clark, 212, 228, 230. 

4. Morgan, 350-51, 88, 203, 282, 274. 

5. Tobie, No Man Like Joe, 63-4, 75-6, 114. 

6. Tobie, MS, 76 ff.; Clark, 69. 

7. H. K. Hines, Missionary History of the Pacific Northwest, 1899, 178-9; Gustavus 
Hines, Wild Life in Oregon, 236; Clark, 440; Carey, I, 289. 

8. Gustavus Hines, Oregon and Its Institutions, 1868, 140; John M. Canse, Pilgrim 
and Pioneer, 1930, 121, chapter 10; H. K. Hines, 99-100, 177. Shepard died Jan. 1, 

9. James W. Bashford, Oregon Missions, 1918, 154-5. 

10. Wild Life in Oregon, 29, 30. 

11. Ibid., 236. 

12. Ibid., 90. 

13. H. K. Hines, 215-6. 

14. Wild Life in Oregon, 20-21. 

15. W. H. Gray, History of Oregon, 1870, 154. 

16. H. K. Hines, 105, 106. 

17. Lyman, III, 176. 

18. Bancroft, History of Oregon, I, 141; Lyman, III, 175-180; Clark, 322, 439; Johansen 
and Gates, 183; Carey, I, 266, 224; II, 684. 

19. H. R. Hines, 136-140; Johansen and Gates, 227-8; Clark, 243. Hines reproduces a 
copy of the memorial; Lyman, III, 180-186. 

20. C. J. Brosnan, Jason Lee, Prophet of the New Oregon, 1932, 248, has a full copy 
of the statement of Nathan Bangs to which reference is made; H. K. Hines, 140. 

21. Wild Life in Oregon, 80. 

22. H. K. Hines (201-2) wrote that "the government out of the 'secret service fund,' 
assisted in its outfit and expenses to the amount of $5,000." In an address delivered 
in Salem, Oregon, June 15, 1906, W. D. Fenton, President of the Oregon Historical 
Society repeated the story. However, in the copy of the Journal of the Organizing 
Conference of the Oregon Annual Conference (copy in the files of the Oregon 
Conference Historical Society) for March 17, 1853 we read (page 5) , "It will be 
understood that the Missions of the M. E. Church in the Oregon Territory were 
commenced under the sanction of the Government of the U. S. with written per- 
mission from the Secy, of War under the direction of the President; and also that 
the government so highly appreciated the influence of the Mission in the question 
of settling the country, that it paid part of the expenses of the Missionaries in 
comeing [sic] to the country." 

23. Quoted by H. K. Hines, 200-1. 

24. Brosnan, 248. 

25. Wild Life in Oregon, 235-6. 

26. H. K. Hines, 347. 

Chapter 3 — From Indian Mission to White Civilization (continued) . 

1. Carey, I, 267, 295, 300; II, 484; Lyman, III, 271; Oregon Historical Quarterly, 
XXXVIII (June, 1937) , 158; (Dec, 1937) , 425, 428; XIII (June, 1913) , 140-159; 
Tobie, MS, 199-200; Clark, 266, 434; Johansen and Gates, 162-3. 

2. See Addenda. Brosnan, 246-269, passim; Johansen and Gates, 211, 212, name 
Richmond, Kone and even Daniel Lee among critics of Mission administration. 
The great contrast between living conditions at Willamette Station and others 
was a factor causing friction. 

3. H. K. Hines, 349. 



4. Letter of M. Dorothy Woodruff, Research Librarian of the Board of Missions of 
the Methodist Church, March 30, 1954. 

5. H. K. Hines, 350-2. 

6. Letter of Rev. William M. Roberts, March 18, 1848. Letters of Rev. Roberts are 
published in Oregon Historical Quarterly, XXI (March, 1920) , Dr. R. M. Gatke, 

7. Oregon and Its Institutions, 151-4. 

8. Wild Life in Oregon, 38-9; Clark 210-211; American Historical Review, XXI, 122-3. 

9. No Man Like Joe, 120; Johansen and Gates, 163; Clark, 223-4, 239, 240. 

10. Clark, 286; Johansen and Gates, 279, 280; Carey, I, 332, says that the petition 
circulated by Robert Shortess was probably drafted by Abernethy. Yet Gray, whose 
history has a copy of the petition (pp. 292-7) , says "George Abernethy declined 
to sign this petition through fear of injuring the Methodist Mission in its secular 
business relations with the Hudson's Bay Company." Jason Lee was also too 
prudent to sign, though sympathetic, according to Gray. Dr. Babcock . . . "re- 
fused, because, by signing, he would lose his influence with the Company." "Rev. 
H. K. W. Perkins was ashamed of the petition. 'What does Congress care about 
measuring wheat? or a contest between two milling companies.' " Among the 65 
signers, besides Shortess, there were: A. F. Waller, L. H. Judson, H. Campbell, 
W. H. Willson, A. Beers, J. L. Parrish, William H. Gray, and H. B. Brewer. 

11. Gray, 154, 193, 263. 

12. No Man Like Joe, Chap. 15. William H. Willson was one of the secretaries at the 
meeting. The Alvin T. Smith Diary reveals visits from both Dr. White and Jason 
Lee during the button-holing period. 

13. Brosnan, 291-315, gives a pretty thorough exposition of the matter. H. K. Hines, 
353-5; Lyman, III, 240. Judge Carey (I, 298-9) holds that Lee's "connivance" with 
Waller has been proven by the records, Oregon Historical Quarterly, C. H. Carey, 
"Lee, Waller and McLoughlin," XXXIII, 187-213. 

14. H. K. Hines, 354. 

15. Ibid., 355. 

16. Brosnan, 311; Gray (301-3), has a statement by Waller's attorney, John Ricord; 
Lyman III, 376; John Parsons, Beside the Beautiful Willamette, 1924, Chapters 7, 
8, reveals Waller's character and personality. Even his conspicuous limitations re- 
vealed astonishing strength and devotion. His driving forcefulness was undiluted 
by caution, doubt, or guile. Thomas D. Yarnes, The Beginnings of Methodism in 
Oregon City, MS, 1940; Mrs. Mabel Christensen, A Brief History of Oregon City 
Methodism from Its Beginning to 1952, MS; H. K. Hines, 354-5; Clark 298, 380. 

17. Oregon and Its Institutions, 165; No Man Like Joe, 140, 143; Clark, 327, 405-6. 
One article of a Provisional Government land law forbade the holding of claims 
upon town sites, extensive water privileges, or other situations necessary for the 
transaction of mercantile or manufacturing operations, or more than 640 acres. 
Nor was a person allowed to hold more than one claim at any one time. Some saw 
in this a malicious scheme to strip Dr. McLoughlin of property he claimed, but it 
was also a threat to the holdings of Methodist and Catholic missions. It was 
finally settled that "nothing in this law should be so construed as to affect any 
claim of any mission of a religious character, made previous to this time, of an 
extent of not more than six miles square." The Methodist Mission had no claim 
of anything like the dimensions mentioned in the law, though it had 36 square 
miles of land altogether. Gray thought that Lee was author of the proviso (346-7) . 

18. Oregon Conference Journal, 1853, 6. 

19. Ibid., 1855, 5; Oregon Historical Quarterly, XVI, contains an exhaustive study. 

20. No Man Like Joe, 91, 94. 

21. Bancroft, I, 515 n. 

22. Jason Lee's statement before the Board of Missions, July 1, 1844; Brosnan, 251-2. 

23. Quoted in Lyman, III, 248. Crawford was very friendly with Dr. White. 

24. Quoted in Brosnan, 248-9. 

Chapter 4 — Jason Lee's Place in Oregon History 

1. Lyman III, 168-9. 

2. Carey I, 298, says that nine of 26 measures which the United States government 
inaugurated, including four of nine bills introduced into Congress, showed Meth- 



odist influence. Carey I, 296; Clark, 67; Lyman II, 126-7, The Columbia River, 
1909, 185-6. 

3. Johansen and Gates, 226; Lyman III, 175-6, 180-1. 

4. Ibid., 188-9; Johansen and Gates, 226 ff. 

5. Ibid., 226-7; Carey I, 318-322, 325 ff. Clark, 543, says: "All the attempts at organiz- 
ing the provisional government are traceable, directly or indirectly, to Mission 

6. Brosnan, 278; Bancroft I, 220-1. 

7. H. K. Hines, 309; Clark, 543; Brosnan, 247. 

8. Lee was a staunch and loyal American citizen, the son of Daniel Lee, an American 
Revolutionary War soldier. But he was born just over the line in Canada when 
the Daniel Lees built their house a few feet too far north, across a boundary 
that had not yet been definitely fixed. But he always regarded himself as an Ameri- 
can citizen, and has been so considered. 

9. Carey I, 296-7; Clark, 543-4. (Tributes to Lee and the Methodist Mission.) 

10. Journal of the Oregon Annual Conference, 1904, 31; Canse, 301-4; Francis H. 
Grubbs, Memorial Souvenir of Jason Lee, 2; Brosnan, App. VI. 

11. Journal, 1919, 33. 

12. Ibid., 1920, 33, 34. 

13. Memorial Booklet of Addresses at the Re-interment of Jason Lee; address at Salem, 
Oregon, June 15, 1906; Harvey W. Scott, History of the Oregon Country, Leslie 
M. Scott, comp., 1924, I, 221-2; Brosnan, App. IX. 

Chapter 5 — A Fresh Start for Oregon Methodism 

1. Parsons, 220. 

2. Ibid., 218. 

3. Annual Report of the Board of Missions, 1846. 

4. An. Rept., 1839. 

5. Idem. 

6. Oregon Historical Quarterly, XXXVI (June, 1935) , 164. Whitcomb was one of the 
signers of the petition which Jason Lee had carried to Congress in 1838. 

7. An. Rept., 1839. 

8. Letter, Gustavus Hines to Corresponding Secretary of the Missionary Society, 
March 15, 1843, referred to in An. Rept., 1846. 

9. Twenty-sixth An. Rept., 1845. 

10. An. Rept., 1846. 

11. W. C. Barclay, Early American Methodism, 1950, II, 256. 

12. H. K. Hines, 283-285. 

13. Ibid., 292-3. 

14. Gustavus Hines, Oregon, Its History, Condition and Prospects, 1851; Oregon and 
Its Institutions, 1868. 

15. Brosnan, 246-268. 

16. Parsons, 220. 

17. Ibid., 216. 

18. H. K. Hines, 371. 

19. Parsons, 222. 

20. H. K. Hines, 364. 

21. Letter, William Roberts to the Corresponding Secretary of the Board of Missions, 
Feb. 14, 1849; also letters to H. H. Spalding, E. Walker, C. Eells. 

22. Letter to Gary, Oct. 26, 1848; An. Rept., 1845. 

23. Letter to Dr. Pitman, Dec. 20, 1847. 

24. Letter to Dr. Pitman, Feb. 14, 1849. 

25. Letter to Dr. Pitman, Dec. 20, 1847. 

26. Letter of April 24, 1849. 

27. Letter of March 18, 1848; Clark, 555; Carey II, 659-60. When the Mission broke up, 
Willson, Leslie, Waller, Judson, and Parish acquired claims including the Mission 

28. Letter to George Gary, Oct. 26, 1848. 

29. Letter to Dr. Pitman, Dec. 20, 1847. 

30. Letter, William Roberts to Dr. Pitman, March 18, 1848. 

31. Letter, Roberts to Corresponding Secretary, Feb. 14, 1849. 

32. Letter, Roberts to Corresponding Secretary, April 1, 1848. 

33. Robert to Corresponding Secretary, April 1, 1848. 



34. These are the reports for 1847. 

35. Letter, Roberts to Board of Missions, April 24, 1849. 

36. Letter, Roberts to Secretary, Board of Missions, April 1, 1848. 

37. Letter, Roberts to Secretary, Feb. 14, 1849. 

38. An. Rept., 1847. 

Chapter 6 — The Oregon and California Mission Conference 

1. Roberts to Board of Missions, Feb. 14, 1849. 

2. Roberts to Board of Missions, April 24, 1849. 

3. Journal of the Oregon and California Mission Conference, 1849, 43-5. 

4. H. K. Hines, 382; Carey, II, 482. The population of the newly organized Oregon 
Territory in 1849 was 9083, if the census was accurate. Oregon included what is 
now Oregon, Washington, Idaho and part of Montana. 

5. H. K. Hines, 383-4. 

6. Oregon, and Its Institutions, 151-4. 

7. H. K. Hines, 385; Roberts to Board of Missions, Mar. 18, 1848. 

8. Journal of the Organizing Conference, 1849; Clark, 654. 

9. Lewis A. McArthur, Oregon Geographic Names, 1952; Clark, 362 ff., 370, 371. Clark 
says that "The first settlers to make permanent settlement arrived in 1846." By late 
1847 there were about 50 families in the Albany-Brownsville area. The population 
of the Eugene area about doubled in 1848. Economic conditions in the Willamette 
Valley were very bad in 1846-7. Carey II, 648; Johansen and Gates, 300-1. 

10. Journal of the Conference of 1850. 

11. McArthur, as indexed; Clark, 371, 495-6. The census of 1850 showed a population of 
814 in Benton County, 994 in Linn. There were 321 households averaging nearly 
six per family. Statistics of the United States, Census of 1850, shows a total popula- 
tion for Oregon of 13,294: Clackamas, 1859; Clark, 643; Clatsop, 462; Lewis, 558; 
Marion, 2749; Polk, 1051; Washington, 2652; Yam Hill, 1512; Benton and Linn, 
1808. Oregon had 1702 farmers; 289 soldiers; 284 carpenters and joiners; 429 
laborers; 164 merchants; 109 mariners; 76 black and white smiths; 51 clerks; 37 
millwrights; 36 lumbermen; 36 millers; 40 servants; 45 physicians; 29 coopers; 29 
clergymen; etc. See Carey II, Chap. 25, 647 ff. There were only three schools (not 
public) in Marion County at the time of the census. There were three church 
buildings in that county in 1850, all Catholic; Methodists, Catholics, Baptists and 
Congregationalists had meeting houses at Oregon City. Clark, 600, 602; Carey, II, 
650, 736. 

12. Journal of the Conference of 1851. 

13. Carey, II, 556; Clark, 496; McArthur, as indexed. Southwestern Oregon received its 
first movement of settlers in 1851. 

14. Journal of the Conference of 1852. 

15. Clark, 496; Carey, II, 660-1, 738; McArthur as indexed. Carey estimates the popula- 
tion of Salem in 1852 as half a dozen families. 

Chapter 7 — The Oregon Annual Conference 

1. Bishop Matthew Simpson, Cyclopedia of Methodism, 1878. 

2. H. K. Hines, 396. 

3. Journal of the Oregon and California Missionary Conference, 1851, 96, 97. 

4. Journal, O. and C. Conference, 1852, 117. 

5. Ibid., 140. 

6. Roberts to Corresponding Secretary, Feb. 14, 1849; Journal, Oregon Conference, 
1853, passim. 

7. Bancroft, II, 291-2. 

8. Oregon Historical Quarterly, XVI. 

9. Works Progress Administration, Oregon Historical Records Survey, Benton County, 
7, 8. 

10. Journal, 1853, 14. 

11. McArthur as indexed; Clark, 496; Carey, II, 675-7. 

12. McArthur as indexed; Carey, II, 676-7. 

13. Journal, 1854, passim. 

14. Journal, 1855, passim. 

15. McArthur, as indexed; Clark, 459; Johansen and Gates, 313-4. There was a de- 
pression in 1854-5, recovery by 1856. 



16. Journal, 1855, passim. 

17. Journal, 1953. 

Chapter 8 — Circuits and Circuit Riders 

1. H. K. Hines, 217-8. 

2. Gustavus Hines, Wild Life in Oregon, 243. 

3. A. Atwood in his book, Glimpses in Pioneer Life on Puget Sound, 1903, 42-4, gives 
an account of a Fourth of July celebration on July 5, 1841. July 4 fell on Sunday. 
Independence Day was honored on the shore of "American Lake," near the Meth- 
odist Mission, named for Mrs. America Richmond, wife of the missionary. Atwood 

So far as the writer is aware, this was the first Fourth of July celebration held 
west of the Rocky Mountains, that held at Champoeg near Salem, Ore. in 1843, 
being the second. Both of them were held under the guidance of the mission- 
aries and were held on, or contiguous to, the mission grounds of the Methodist 
Episcopal Church. 
The Oregon Statesman, July 15, 1855, describes a celebration at Five Oaks on 
Tualatin Plains, July 4, 1845, with an oration by Peter H. Burnett. Celebrations, 
not necessarily patriotic, had been the expected thing at mountain rendezvous for 
a dozen years or so. Tobie, 10; Morgan, 170-1, 215. The word "first" should be used 
with caution. However, the first organized immigrations came in 1841. But many 
mountain men, missionaries and others came in 1840 and earlier. 

4. Parsons, 217-8. 

5. Clark, 434-5, 250-1. 

6. Roberts to Corresponding Secretary, April 1, 1848. 

7. Same to same, April 24, 1849. 

8. Same to same, April 1, 1848. 

9. Same to same, April 24, 1849, April 1, 1848. 

10. McArthur, as indexed; Clark, 362-3, 496. 

11. Idem. 

12. Carey II, 675-6. 

13. Roberts to Corresponding Secretary, Feb. 14, 1849. 

14. McArthur, as indexed; Carey II, 481, 558, 683; Lancaster Pollard, Oregon and the 
Pacific Northwest, 1946, 147. 

15. Atwood, 65-6. 

16. Quarterly Conference Record Book, Rock Creek Circuit. 

17. Interview with Mrs. E. A. Peterson, daughter of Robert Booth. 

18. Oregon Conference Journal, 1908, 79. 

19. McArthur, as indexed; Clark, 498, 500; Carey II, 481. 

20. T. L. Jones, From the Gold Mine to the Pulpit, 1904, 45-52. 

21. Ibid., 53-4. 

22. Ibid., 152-6. 

23. Parsons, 225-6. 

Chapter 9 — Indian Missions and Indian Trouble 

1. H. K. Hines, 263-7. 

2. Ibid., 270. 

3. Ibid., 138, 142. 

4. Wild Life in Oregon, 148-9. 

5. Ibid., 149-50; Bancroft, I, 268-80. 

6. Letter of William Roberts, Dec. 18, 1847. 

7. Idem. A plan for stationing garrisons at stated points along the route had been 
recommended to Congress by Dr. Whitman. 

8. Letter of William Roberts, April 1, 1848. 

9. Letter of William Roberts, April 24, 1949. 

10. Journal of the Oregon and California Mission Conference, 1951, 104. 

11. Lyman, IV, 219-20; Johansen and Gates, 311-2; Carey, II, 604, passim. Disputes be- 
tween Wool and Governor Isaac Stevens of Washington Territory on the one hand 
and Oregon volunteers on the other complicated the political issues involved. 

12. Walling, 362-3. E. N. Mallery, A Brief History of Jacksonville, 1939. 



13. Roland R. Orne, Early Methodism in Southern Oregon, MS; Medford Mail Tribune, 
June 6, 1934. 

14. C. B. Bagley, History of Seattle, 1916, I, 50, 56, 75; Johansen and Gates, 313-4. 

15. Historic Jacksonville, Southern Oregon Historical Society, July 30, 1950. 

16. Tobie, 254; Hillsboro Argus, Jan. 7, 1926. 

17. Lyman, The Columbia River, 213. 

18. Carey, II, 620-1. 

19. Lyman, IV, 185. 

20. Oregon Historical Quarterly, XXXIII (March, 1922) , C. F. Coan, "The First Stage 
of the Federal Indian Policy in the Pacific Northwest (1849-1952) ." 

21. Journal, 1882, 47. 

22. Journal, 1859, 29, 30. 

23. Journal, 1872,30. 

24. Walton Skipworth, "Methodism in Klamath County." 

25. Journal, 1882, 47. 

26. Idem. 

27. Journal, 1895, 61. 

Chapter 10 — Oregon Methodism and Private Education 

1. Bancroft I, 162-3. 

2. Christian Advocate and Journal (N. Y.) , XI, 194, quoted from R. M. Gatke, Chron- 
icles of Willamette, 1943, 39; H. K. Hines, 110-111. 

3. Barclay, II, 232, 236. 

4. Oregon, Its History, Condition and Prospects, 45. 

5. Report of the Board of Missions, May 18, 1846, Oregon Historical Quarterly (Dec, 
1922) , R. M. Gatke, editor, 350. 

6. Oregon and Its Institutions, 138-142. Rev. Harvey Clark and Mrs. Clark, "self sup- 
porters'* who settled on Tualatin Plains in 1841, began a school in their own cabin, 
then encouraged and assisted Mrs. Tabitha Brown in establishing a home and 
school for orphan children. From these efforts grew Tualatin Academy in 1848, 
under Congregational auspices. This institution developed into Pacific University. 
Yet Rev. Clark was present at the meeting of January 17, 1842 at Jason Lee's home, 
and he was a member of the committee which selected the site for Oregon Institute. 
Carey, I, 304. 

7. Report of the Board of Missions, quoting letter from Gustavus Hines, May 18, 1846. 

8. Oregon and Its Institutions, 151-154. 

9. Oregon Historical Quarterly, II (March, 1901) , 55. 

10. Ibid., XXXIV, 306. 

11. Ibid., II, 63. 

12. Ibid., XXXIV, 305; 305; XIII, 391; Bancroft II, 35; Historical Records Survey, 
Multnomah County; Linn County, No. 22, 1939, 5; Benton County, 10. Among 
those who objected to the provision for a public school system in the Oregon Con- 
stitution was Ashael Bush, editor of the Oregon Statesman. The Catholics had 
opened a school for boys at St. Paul before 1840, and a school for girls at Oregon 
City soon after the founding of that town. Clark, 606, quoting Robert H. Down, A 
History of the Silverton Country, 1926, 189, says that the first public school was held 
in 1845 in a log school house in Champoeg County taught by a man named Vernon 
for the children of the Daniel Waldo and William Taylor families. The word 
"first," as always, should be used with caution. It has been said that the first 
school to be supported by a public tax was opened in Milton, near St. Helens, 
September 15, 1852. Our concern is with Methodist church sponsored schools. Carey, 
1,301; 11,703,715. 

13. Letters of William Roberts, Feb. 14, 1849. 

14. Historical Records Survey, Washington County; Benton County, 11. 

15. Oregon Conference Journal, 1856, 14. 

16. Letter of William Roberts, April 24, 1849. 

17. Oregon Historical Quarterly, XX, 109. 

18. Journal, 1854, 9, 19; Velleada Smith Ohmart, History of Leslie Church and Aid 

19. Journal, 1856, 11. 

20. Journal, 1872, 26. 

21. O. & C. Conference Journal, 1850, 68, 79. 



22. Ibid., 1851, 93, 103. 

23. Ibid., 1852, 138, 142. 

24. Ibid., 1854, 17, 19,20. 

25. Oregon Conference Journal, 1873, 6, 28. 

26. Journal, 1874, Report on Education, 15-6. 

27. Journal, 1875, 17. 

28. Journal, 1876, 33. 

29. Journal, 1877, 34. 

30. Journal, 1879, 19, 37-8. 

31. Gatke, 394-396. 

32. Journal, 1882, 36-7. 

33. Anna D. S. Pratt, History of the First Methodist Church of Lebanon and Its As- 
sociate, Santiam Academy, 7; Historical Records Survey, Linn County, 60. 

34. Mrs. Pratt, 7. 

35. Ibid., 8, 

36. O. & C. Conference Journal, 1852, 118; 1853, 12; Oregon Conference Journal, 1855, 
11; Mrs. Pratt, 8. 

37. Ibid., 8; Journal, 1857, 16. 

38. Mrs. Pratt, 8, 9. 

39. Journal, 1874, 15. 

40. Journal, 1875, 17. 

41. Idem. 

42. Journal, 1877, 33. 

43. Journal, 1879, 39. 

44. Journal, 1880, 34. 

45. Journal, 1892, 42. 

46. Journal, 1893, 51. 

47. Journal, 1895, 56. 

48. Journal, 1901, 65. 

49. Journal, 1902, 51. 

50. Journal, 1904. 64. 

51. Journal, 1905, 58. 

52. Journal, 1906, 79-80. 

53. Here, and elsewhere, those starred were Methodist ministers. 

54. Journal, 1853, 14; 1854, 20; 1855, 13. 

55. Journal, 1856, 13. Judge Deady was elected in 1856; Oregon Historical Quarterly, 
XIX, R. A. Booth. 

56. Journal, 1857, 15; R. A. Booth, Oregon Historical Quarterly, XIX, 1, gives the 
acreage as 58.43. 

57. Journal, 1872, 28; 1873, 29; 1875, 17; 1876, 33; 1877, 34; 1878, 8, 32. 

58. Journal, 1874, 15. 

59. Journal, 1881, 37. 

60. Oregon Historical Quarterly, XIX. 

61. Lyman IV, 298; Tobie, 145; Carey, I, 301, II, 715. 

62. Roberts to Corresponding Secretary, April 24, 1849. 

63. Oregon Historical Quarterly, XXXVII, 310-313, Edwin F. Lange; Carey, II, 707; 
Clark, 606, 608. 

64. Journal, 1855, 15. 

65. Journal, 1857, 12, 14-15. No record of any Board of Trustees appears in any previous 

66. Journal, 1858, 12, 22. 

67. Journal, 1860, 9, 15; Oregon Historical Quarterly, XXXVII, 314. Tuition was $6 to 

68. Journal, 1856, 13-4. 

69. Journal, 1857, 9, 12, 16-7. 

70. Journal, 1858, 13, 22; 1859, 12, 24, 26; 1860, 9, 12, 15. In 1859 *B. C. Lippincott was 
appointed principal of Puget Sound Wesleyan Institute, a position he held for two 

71. Journal, 1883, 36. A. Atwood had been Presiding Elder. 

72. Journal, 1868, 6, 13, 22; 1872, 27; 1873, 7, 25, 29. The Committee on Education re- 
ported in 1872 that the institution had been in existence for four years. 

73. Journal, 1876, 33; 1877, 33; 1878, 32. 



74. Journal, 1875, 4, IS. 

75. Journal, 1876, 33. 

76. Journal, 1877, 34. 

77. Journal, 1878, 32. 

78. Journal, 1883, 35; 1880, viii, 35. 

79. Oregon Historical Quarterly, XXXI, 46. 

80. Jackson County Deed Records, Vol. 8, 529-31, information furnished by G. F. 

81. Journal, 1879, 38. 

82. Journal, 1880, 34. 

83. Journal, 1885, 26. 

84. Journal, 1887, 64. 

85. Oregon Historical Quarterly, XXXIII, 236-7, H. Earle Pemberton. 

86. Ibid., XXXII, 31. 

87. Ibid., X, XI, 117, John C. Almack. 

88. Journal, 1893, 54-5. 

89. Gatke, 425. 

90. Oregon Historical Quarterly, XXI, 117. 

91. Journal, 1883, 36; 1884, 41; 1885, 26. 

92. Journal, 1886, 37. 

93. Journal, 1887, 64; 1890, 43. 

94. Journal, 1890, 43. 

95. Journal, 1892, 42-4. 

96. Journal, 1893, 52-4. 

97. Journal, 1894, 48-9; 1895, 54-5; 1896, 43-4, 45. 

98. Journal, 1898, 64. 

99. Journal, 1899, 65; Gatke, 472-3. Portland University continued as an Academy, 
"correlated to Willamette University," until 1916. 

100. Journal, 1856, 12-3. 

101. Journal, 1866, 21; Gatke, 256. 

102. Journal, 1879, 33. 

103. Journal, 1882, 33-4; 1883, 36. 

104. Journal, 1886, 38; 1887, 77-9. 

105. Journal, 1889, 38, 46. 

106. Gatke, 371. 

107. Ibid., 429. 

108. Journal, 1903, 64-5. 

109. Journal, 1906, 80-1. 

110. Journal, 1907,83; 1911,61; 1912,57. 

111. Journal, 1913, 62. Dr. Thomas D. Yarnes was one of the four graduates. 

112. Journal, 1914, 56-7. 

113. Journal, 1915, 63. 

114. Gatke, 642. 

115. Journal, 1928, 35. 

116. Journal, 1930, 260-1. 

117. Journal, 1931, 372. 

Chapter 11 — Educational Institutions of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South 

1. Columbia Conference Journal, 1870, 234. 

2. Oregon Historical Quarterly, XXXI, 42, John B. Horner. 

3. Journal, 1866, 15. 

4. Journal, 1868, 49. 

5. Oregon Historical Quarterly, XXXI, 42. 

6. Journal, 1868, 49. Five resolutions were passed, two implementing the other three. 

7. Historical Records Survey, Benton County, 11. 

8. Oregon State College Catalog, 1941. 

9. Journal, 1871, 240. 

10. Journal, 1881, 270. 

11. Journal, 1874, 201-2. 

12. Journal, 1883, 55. 

13. Journal, 1884, 99. 



14. Journal, 1885, 129. 

15. Journal, 1888, 194-6. 

16. Journal, 1886, 147. 

17. Letter, Judge Victor P. Moses to the author, stating that Attorney E. E. Wilson 
confirmed the information here given. 

18. Journal, 1892. 

19. Journal, 1893. 

20. Letter, Moses to author. 

21. Journal, 1889, 230-2. 

22. Oregon Historical Quarterly, XXXIII, 234-6, H. Earle Pemberton. 

23. East Columbia Conference Journal, 1901, 20. 

24. Journal, 1896. 

25. Journal, 1901, 20. 

26. Journal, 1906, 13. 

27. Oregon Historical Quarterly, XXXIII, 234-6. 

28. Journal, 1909, 17-8. 

29. Journal, 1911, 17. 

30. Journal, 1912, 16-17. Rev. Shangle was appointed Pastor of Corbin Park Church, 
Spokane, Washington, but he still remained a member of the Board of Trustees of 
the College. 

31. Journal, 1916, 31. 

32. Journal of the Northwest Annual Conference, 1922, 46-8; 1918, 46. 

33. Journal, 1923, 45-6. 

34. Journal, 1924, 46. 

35. Journal, 1925, 47. 

36. A well-deserved tribute was paid to Rev. Shangle and to his life-long companion, 
who survives him, in the last Journal of the Northwest Conference of his church 

(1938) . Rev. Shangle wrote Historical Sketch of the Methodist Church, South in 
Oregon, 1858-1939, May, 1941; and Memories From My Book of Life, including 
Walking Through the Garden of Memory, 1951. 

Chapter 12 — Oregon Methodism and Good Literature 

1. Lyman, IV, 280; Bancroft I, 575n, 576n; Johansen and Gates, 152; Carey, I, 355; 
Tobie, 130, 152-3, 158; Clark, 494-5. (XXI March, 1920.) 

2. Oregon Historical Quarterly, R. M. Gatke, Editor, "The Letters of the Reverend 
William Roberts . . . ", Roberts to Mission Board, Dec. 22, 1847. 

3. Journal of the Oregon and California Mission Conference, 1850, 78; Carey, II, 486. 

4. O. & C. Journal, 1851, 101-2. 

5. O. & C. Journal, 1851, 105. 

6. O. & C. Journal, 1852, 141. 

7. Oregon Conference Journal, 1856, 17. 

8. Journal, 1858, 18. 

9. Proceedings of the Book Committee of the M. E. Church, 1917. 

10. Journal, 1856, 18-9. 

11. Mrs. J. H. B. Royal in Pacific Christian Advocate, Dec. 22, 1927. 

12. Journal, 1858, 13-14. 

13. Journal, 1859, 27-8. 

14. Journal, 1861, 22. 

15. Journal, 1872, 35. 

16. Journal, 1880, 39, 41. 

17. Journal, 1888, 59. 

18. Journal, 1907, 79-80. 

19. Journal, 1908, 52. 

20. Journal, 1912, 50. 

Chapter 13 — Evangelism and Growth of the Church 

1. For the latter see Oregon Conference Journal, 1872, 26. 

2. Parsons, 112. 

3. H. K. Hines, 165-8. 

4. Bancroft, I, 181. 



5. H. K. Hines, 168. (Editor's note: Dr. Yarnes's manuscript continues: "More will 
be said on this subject in the chapter devoted to the Methodist Church and Other 
Denominations." Unfortunately, death prevented the writing projected.) 

6. A. G. Walling, History of Southern Oregon, 1884, 150-2; Barclay, I, 231-2; Bancroft 
I, 319-20. (Editor's note: Charges against "Jesuits" and Catholics became extremely 
bitter in the period following the Whitman Massacre, continuing, with elaborations 
perhaps, during the lifetimes of very vocal interested parties, notably H. H. Spalding 
and W. H. Gray. Early historians like Walling and Bancroft (Victor) were still 
too close to the hysteria to be trusted wholly. We should be wary about reading 
the recriminations back into the 1830's. Natural misunderstandings between Indians 
and white intruders could sufficiently explain tragic missionary failures and dis- 
asters. Rival missionaries complicated, but certainly did not mainly cause, the 

7. H. K. Hines, 280; Tobie, 75-6, 114, 261-2. 

8. Organizing Conference Journal, 1848, 58, "Astoria & Clatsop — To be Supplied"; 
Brosnan, 204. 

9. Oregon Historical Quarterly, XXXVIII (Sept., 1937) , 281, 282, 285, R. M. Gatke, 
"Ketturah Belknap's Chronicle of the Bellfountain Settlement." There is a mis- 
quotation in Parsons, 223. 

10. Journal, 1853, 12. 

11. Rock Creek Quarterly Record, Oct. 10, 1859. 

12. Carey, II, 481, 755, 507, 589 ff.; Johansen and Gates, 314, 321; Bancroft, II, 369 ff.; 
Tobie, 247, 251-2. 

13. 37th Cong. 2 Sess. Sen. Preliminary Report on The Eighth Census, 1860, 130. By 
counties, population in 1860 was: Benton, 3074; Coos, 445; Clackamas, 3466; 
Clatsop, 498; Columbia, 532; Curry, 393; Douglas, 3203; Jackson, 3736; Josephine, 
1623; Lane, 4780; Linn, 6772; Marion, 7088; Multnomah, 4150; Polk, 3625; Yamhill, 
3245; Washington, 2801; Wasco, 1689; Umpqua, 1250; Tillamook, 95. Carey, II, 644- 
5; Bancroft II, 489 ff.; Ninth Census of the U. S. Statistics of Population, 333, 369. 

During the decade ending in 1870, free colored persons in Jackson County de- 
creased from 42 to 28, while they increased in Marion County from 20 to 62, in 
Clackamas from 1 to 23 and from 17 to 163 in Multnomah. The United States, in 
1870, had a population of 739,352 blacks to 1,389,568 whites. Parts of what had been 
Wasco County in 1860 were, in 1870: Baker County with 2804 persons; Grant 
County with 2251; Umatilla with 2916; and Union with 2552. Wasco County still 
had a population of 2509. 

The most populous counties in 1860 in order, with their 1870 population figures, 
were: Marion, 9965; Linn, 8717; Lane, 6426; Multnomah, 11,510. Those were still 
the most populous counties in 1870, but large increases were shown by Douglas 
County with 6066; Clackamas with 5993; Yamhill with 5012; Jackson with 4778; 
Polk with 4701; Benton with 4584; and Washington with 4261. In ascending order 
of 1860 residents, the population figures for what were at that time the smallest 
counties were, in 1870: Tillamook, 408; Curry, 504; Coos, 1644; Clatsop, 1255; Co- 
lumbia, 863. Note populations increases for eastern Oregon, Multnomah, Coos and 
Clatsop counties. 

14. Journal, 1875, 13. 

15. Journal, 1876, 8, 16. The Standing Committee consisted of P. M. Starr, D. L. 
Spaulding, L. J. Powell and Henry Miller. 

16. Journal, 1880, 19. Members of the Association were: Ladru Royal, W. T. Chapman, 
John N. Dennison, T. L. Jones, Thomas Magill, S. A. Starr, John Parsons, T. L. 

17. Compendium of the Tenth Census, (June, 1880) , I, 369. The population of 1880 
consisted of 163,075 whites, 487 colored, 9512 Chinese (including 2 Japanese) , 
1694 Indians; 144,265 of a total of 174,768 were native born. 

18. Portland Telegram, July 26, 1883. 

19. Atwood, 186-7. Washington Territory was still under the jurisdiction of the Oregon 

20. Compendium of the Eleventh Census: 1890 (1892) , 36. 

21. Census Reports, Volume I, Population, Part I (1901), 517-8. 

22. Journal, 1904, 58-9. 

23. Journal, 1906, 65. 

24. Journal, 1907, 51. 



25. Journal, 1907, 80-1. Thirty-eight years would place the founding of the Canby 
Camp Meeting in 1869, five years before J. H. Roork was appointed "Financial 
Agent" with instructions to secure funds with which to purchase the grounds. 
It was twenty years before a pastor was appointed to Canby. 

26. Journal, 1908, 53. 

27. Journal, 1904, 53. 

28. Journal, 1912, 47. 

29. Journal, 1916, 64-5. 

30. Journal, 1921, 44-5. 
31 Journal, 1922, 52. 

32. Journal, 1923, 51. 

33. Journal, 1921, 45. 

34. Journal, 1923, 46. 

35. Journal, 1927, 37. 

36. Journal, 1930, 241. 

37. Journal, 1928, 36. 

38. Journal, 1930, 268. 

39. Journal, 1937, 119-20. 

40. Journal, 1941, 159. 

41. Journal, 1942, 285. 

42. Journal, 1944, 58-9, Report of the Commission on Evangelism. 

43. Journal, 1945, 174. 

44. Journal, 1946, 283-4. 

45. Journal, 1947, 405. 

46. Journal, 1950, 60-1. 

47. Journal, 1952, 55. 

48. Journal, 1954, 59. 

49. (Editor's note, unfortunately death interrupted Dr. Yarnes before he could com- 
plete all the chapters planned) . 

50. Department of Research and Survey, Oregon Council of Churches, Survey Report 
of Church Membership and Population in Oregon, 1926-1952, 31, 80. The study 
was directed by John W. Berry of the Department of Sociology, Pacific University, 
Barbara Johnson, Research Associate. Percentages of Methodists of the total popu- 
lation by years were: 1850, 3%; 1860, 2.5%; 1870, 3.16%; 1880, 1.1%; 1890, 2 plus %; 
1900, 2.5%; 1910, 2.7%; 1920, 2.7%; 1930, 3.12%; 1940, 3.3%; 1950, 2.8%; 1955, 
2.8 plus %. 

Chapter 14 — Missions at Home and Abroad 

1. Letters of William Roberts, March 18, 1848. 

2. Journal, 1859, 31-2. 

3. Biographical Sketch furnished by the Board of Missions. 

4. Journal, 1885, 54. 

5. Journal, 1872, 33. 

6. Journal, 1872, 32. Complaint was made of a monopoly of donations received by 
the Puget Sound District under Presiding Elder, J. F. DeVore. 

7. Journal, 1873, 35. 

8. Journal, 1879, 31-2. 

9. Journal, 1880, 31-2. 

10. Journal, 1882, 30-1. 

11. Journal, 1910, 53-4. 

12. Journal, 1912, 52-3. 

13. Journal, 1873, 39-40. 

14. Journal, 1887, 62-3. 

15. Journal, 1882, 44. 

16. Journal, 1883, 45. Norwegian-Danish Journals, especially the early ones, spell the 
name "Larsen." 

17. Journal, 1884, 51. 

18. Martin T. Larsen, in Memorial Number of the Western Norwegian-Danish Con- 

19. Journal, 1881, 31-2. 

20. Idem. 


21. Alaska Conference Minutes, 1954, 13. See names, on another page, of members of 
the Oregon Conference who were appointed to Alaska. 

22. Journal, 1892, 39-40. (Editor's Note: Apparently Dr. Yarnes intended to add chap- 
ters to his book which were never completed because of his death. Before editing, 
the manuscript contained several references to a chapter on "Women's Work." 

23. journal, 1855, 24; 1895, 40. Our account does not name those sent out by Women's 
Missionary Societies, nor laymen — teachers, doctors, etc, — sent out by the parent 

24. Journal, 1909, 51-3. 

25. Journal, 1914, 69-70. 

26. Journal, 1916, 71-2. 

27. Journal, 1917, 70. 

28. Journal, 1921, 67-8. 

29. Idem. 

30. Barclay, I, 202-3. 

31. Journal, 1917, 69. 

32. Journal, 1919, 60. 

33. Journal, 1923, 52. 

34. Journal, 1922, 53-4. 

35. Journal, 1924, 43. 

36. Journal, 1940, 42-4. 

37. Journal, 1941, 152-3. 

38. Journal, 1947, 406. 

39. Journal, 1956, 54. The number of each classification is inserted in parenthesis. 

40. Methodist Discipline, 1940, Art. 1037: 4 (1) , (2) . 

41. Journal, 1956, 83. J. J. Handsaker headed the Heifer Project for years. 

42. Journal, 1927, 331-2. 

43. Letter of Marion C. Smith to the author. 

44. Journal, 1953, 68. 

45. Journal, 1955, 79. 
•46. Journal, 1958, 95-6. 

Chapter 15 — Expansion, Fragmentation and Reunion 

1. Charges marked with an asterisk either became extinct, changed their names or, 
in some cases, never even got started. Numbers in parenthesis indicate the year 
in which the charge is first mentioned in the list of appointments. A charge may, 
or may not, have had a previous existence as a "class." In some instances, two 
dates are indicated because that church had two starts, one after an intervening 
period during which the place was not named among the appointments. The 
above markings will be used throughout the chapter. 

2. Churches that were organized in the Columbia River Conference are marked (C) . 

3. Churches which had their origin in the Methodist Episcopal Church, South are 
designated (S) . 

4. Churches which had their origin in the Norwegian-Danish Conference are desig- 
nated (ND). 



Anniversaries, celebrations, movements, 108-9 (see Methodist Church in 

Circuits and Circuit Riders, 107 ff. (See Methodist) 
Conferences, 77 ff., 93ff. (See Methodist) 

Doane, Nehemiah, 83-4, 87, 89, 95, 101, 102, 153, 185-6, 236, 269, 313 

Education (see Methodist) , 147 ff., 193 ff. 

Evangelism (see Methodist) 

Expansion, fragmentation, reunion, 301 ff. 

Gary, George, 38, 39-45, 48-9, 61 ff., 117, 134-5, 140, 151, 259, 302, 314 
Gold rushes, 70-1, 93, 137, 138, 231, 233 
Growth of the Church (see Methodist) 

Helm, William, 71, 74, 80, 82, 83, 85, 87, 88, 89, 95, 96, 97, 114, 116, 123, 
157, 316 

Hines, Harvey K., 35, 39, 44, 49, 64, 79, 95, 101, 102, 107, 132, 168, 172, 186, 
222-4, 229, 316 

Hines, Gustavus, 29, 34-5, 38, 39, 42, 44, 48-9, 54, 62-5, 76, 95, 97, 101, 
102, 108, 132, 144-151, 170, 184, 230, 316 

Hudson's Bay Company: business operations, 12, 17-9, 31, 36, 42, 46, 52; 
education, 23; executives (including Dr. John McLoughlin) , 17-8, 35, 
42, 44, 57, 58, 59, 74, 133, 169, 332-3; Indian policy, 14; liquor policy, 
15; missionary relationships, 15-6, 43-4, 45, 52, 74, 133-4, 136; religious 
activities, 23; settler relationships, 18-9, 20, 23, 42-3, 51 

Immigration, 32, 34, 35, 37, 42, 43, 44-6, 53, 54, 75, 90, 111 
Indians: 13 ff., 23 ff., 131 ff.; diseases, 26, 63; east of Cascades, 13-5; Willa- 
mette Valley and lower Columbia, 14, 26; missionary relationships, 14- 
5, 46, 131 ff., 147-151, 332-4; population, 13: religious, social and eco- 
nomic life, 24; reservations, 142-5; tribes named, 13; wars, 45, 66, 72-5, 
99, 101, 108, 131 ff., 233 

Land problems, 43-4, 111, 142 

Lee, Daniel, 23, 25, 26, 29, 38, 49, 228, 333, 317 

Lee, Jason, 11, 14-5, 19, 20, 23 ff., 29, 30-5, 36 ff., 48-9, 51 ff., 81, 107, 108, 

114, 120, 131-3, 147-151, 153, 228-9, 230, 259, 301-2, 332-5, 317 
Leslie, David, 39, 48-9, 71, 77, 82, 83, 84, 87, 88, 95, 97, 98, 99, 113, 140, 

149, 151, 153, 184, 213, 230, 259, 317 

Methodist Church in Oregon (Methodist Episcopal and Methodist Epis- 
copal Church, South, 193 ff., 257, included) : appointments, 28-9, 36-9, 
48, 64, 71-2, 82, 84, 87, 88, 93, 101-3, 115, passim; business operations, 
41, 42-5, 46, 52, 54, 62-3, 67, 68, 69, 98-100, 180 ff., 183, 193-5, 204 ff., 
216 ff., 233-5, 240, 255, 260, 263-4, 272, passim; church buildings, 41, 
80, 112-3, 105, 115, 119, 120-1, 123, 161, 262; churches, relationships 
with other, 114, 133, 150-1; 155-6, 268, 341-2; church extension, 263-4; 



circuits and circuit riders, 67, 71-3, 74-6, 79, 84-5, 107 ff, 212-3; coordina- 
tion, 290-2; educational efforts: Ashland College, 173-8; Columbia Col- 
lege, 202-9; Corvallis College, 193, 194-202; Corvallis Seminary, 156; 
Drain Academy, 178-9; Olympia Union Academy, 171-2; Oregon City 
Seminary, 168-70; Portland Academy, 156, 157-9, 170; Portland Uni- 
versity, 162-3, 179-83; 182, 186, 340; public schools in Oregon, 153 ff., 
162, 167, 191; Puget Sound Wesleyan Institute, 170-1, 182-3, 339; 
Santiam Academy, 156, 159-164, 179; Sheridan Academy, 172-3; Theo- 
logical education (including Kimball School of Theology), 182, 183- 
191; Umpqua Academy, 156, 164-8, 170; Vancouver Seminary, 172; 
Willamette University (and Oregon Institute), 148, 151-2, 170, 179, 
180, 182 ff, 190-1; Mission and general; 17, 25, 26, 38, 41, 52, 68, 69, 72, 
80, 81, 83, 84, 85, 87, 88, 97, 101, 102, 103, 105, 147 ff., 193 ff., 339-340, 
338-341; evangelism (including camp meetings), 25, 62, 98, 100-1, 127- 
8, 114, 227 ff., 341-2; foreign language groups, 269 ff.; 224, 257; good 
literature, 83, 84, 85, 88-9, 103-4, 211 ff., government relationships, 41, 
42, 43, 52-3, 54, 74, 99-100, 108, 142 ff., 156, 157, 160, 163, 168, 194 ff., 
333-5; historv, 85-6, 88, 97: humanitarian projects, 219, 277, 291-9; mem- 
bership, 231', 234, 235, 240, 241, 243, 245, 246, 247-8, 255, 258, 251- 
2, 256-7, 272, 343; negro, attitudes toward, 104, 233-4, 268-70; 
organization, 41, 51-2, 75, 77 ff., 85-6, 91, 93 ff., 259-260, 285 ff.; Oregon 
Annual Conference, 93 ff., young man's conference, 97; Oregon and 
California Mission Conference, 45, 77 ff., 86; "other causes," 286-8; mis- 
sions and missionaries, 14, 24 ff., 37 ff., 51 ff., 61 ff., 77 ff., 80-2, 98-100, 
112-3, 131 ff., 148-150, 219, 259 ff., 283 ff., 333-6, 342-3, 277 ff., foreign, 
261, 277, 278; Oriental Home, 265 ff., 276; Alaska, Utah, Idaho, Nevada, 
Black Hills, 273 ff., 275-6, 277; women's efforts, 273-5, 293-6, 277, 343; 
preacher policies, 49, 75-6, 80, 81, 85, 88, 94, 96, 97, 98, 104, 117-8, 
longest ministry, 120, 233, 235, 239-240, 242, 245, 248, 250, 251, 253-4, 
256, 257, 260, 264, 270, 275; presiding elder and district superintendent 
policies, 90, 103-4, 120, 240, 245-6, 249, 252, 254, 255, 256, 260, 264-5; set- 
tler relationships, 42, 43, 44-7, 66-7, 74, 93, 117, 148, 152 ff.; statistics, 73, 
82, 87, 90, 102, 104, 105, 114, 118, 193, 214, 225, 234, 235, 236, 240, 241, 
243, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 251-2, 255-6, 258, 270, 272, 279, 280, 281, 
284, 285, 291-2, 298-9; Sunday School (missionary), 276, 279-282; un- 
ification, 207, 310. 

Missions and missionaries: American Board (Whitman et al) , 14, 45-6, 
51, 56, 66, 73-4, 99-100, 111, 131 ff., 302; Catholic, 37, 114, 133; "self- 
supporters," 35, 111, 338; worship, 17, 51, 62; see Methodist Church in 

Mountain Men, 16, 20, 22, 23, 24, 30, 35, 43, 45, 51 

Oregon, area, 12, 78, 117 

Parrish, Josiah L., 39, 71, 74, 76, 80, 82, 95-6, 103, 139-140, 142-3, 151, 153, 

259, 261, 275, 277, 319, 334 
Parsons, John, 56, 57, 64-5, 127-8, 271, 275, 276, 278, 342, 319 
Pearne, Thomas H., 87-9, 95, 98, 101-2, 119, 153, 156, 160, 212, 217, 221, 

224, 260, 319 
Periodicals (see Methodist, good literature), 14, 85, 88-9, 103-4, 212 ff. 


Persons: bishops, 48, 57, 58, 63, 77, 78, 80, 83, 94-5, 96, 101, 139, 168, 180, 
189, 190, 240, 244, 248-9, 254, 255-6, 273-4, 295-6; laymen and women, 
14, 25, 26, 27, 29, 30, 31, 37, 38, 40, 42, 43, 44, 46, 48, 49, 54-60, 62, 68, 
72, 73, 81, 100, 108, 110, 115, 120, 137, 145, 147, 151, 152, 153-4, 156, 160, 
163, 164, 165, 167, 168, 169, 170, 171, 172, 173, 174, 175, 177, 178, 180, 
181, 183 ff., 189, 230, 237, 274, 277, 283, 288-9, 290, 295 ff., 244; 
members of the Oregon Conference (see Appendix A for page 
references, also names listed in index) ; miscellaneous, 12, 14-5, 17, 19, 
22, 23, 24, 27, 31, 33, 35, 43, 44, 46, 47, 54-60, 72, 79, 82, 83, 99, 100, 
107, 111, 115, 116, 119, 122, 124, 132, 136, 137, 138, 139, 142, 148, 151, 

155, 159, 161, 164, 167-9, 194 ff.; 223-4, 230, 231, 245, 246-9, 250, 255, 267, 
273, 283; supply pastors (see Appendix B for page references) 

Places: counties, 90, 101, 102, 117; California and Southwest area, 65, 70-1, 
77, 79, 82, 83-5, 88, 90, 93, 126; Eastern Oregon, 26, 29, 38, 39, 45-6, 66, 

67, 69, 70, 87, 89, 90, 98-100, 101, 102, 103, 120, 131 ff.; 143, 202 ff.; 
301 ff.; Oregon coastal area, 29, 38, 39, 41, 71, 73, 82, 83, 86-7, 89, 90, 
93, 101, 102, 103, 117, 119, 271 ff., 301 ff.; post offices, preaching loca- 
tions, settlements, 84, 85, 87, 90, 100, 101, 102, 105, 115, 116, 117, 118-9, 
124, 126, 127, 301 ff.; Southern Oregon, 29, 38, 53, 87, 89, 90, 93, 95, 
101-3, 118, 119, 121, 122, 123, 126, 127, 137 ff., 155, 164 ff., 173-9, 301 ff.; 
Tualatin, Yamhill and lower Columbia area, 29, 39, 41, 53, 71, 72, 73, 

82, 84, 86-7, 89, 90, 93, 101, 102, 103, 114, 115, 116, 118, 120, 124, 172- 
3, 230, 266, 301 ff.; Washington and areas east of Oregon, 29, 37, 53, 72, 
87, 89, 90, 101, 103, 120, 121, 131 ff., 140-1, 143, 169-72, 234-5, 263-4, 272- 
3, 301 ff., 342; Willamette Valley above Oregon City, 29, 39, 41, 53, 67, 

68, 69, 71, 72, 73, 82, 84, 86-7, 89, 90, 93, 94, 96, 100-3, 111, 113, 114, 115, 
116, 118, 119, 120, 123, 151 ff., 155-6, 158 ff., 183 ff., 193-202, 231, 235- 
8, 243-6, 301 ff., Willamette Valley, Oregon City and below, 17, 29, 39, 
41, 44, 46, 53, 69, 70, 71, 72, 73, 80, 82, 84-5, 86-7, 89, 90, 93, 100-3, 112, 
113, 115, 116,118, 127, 157 ff., 168 ff., 179-183, 232, 271-3, 301 ff. 

Population, 75, 111, 231, 235, 236, 240, 241, 243, 245, 247, 248, 252, 255, 

258, 342, 343 
Provisional government (see Methodist, government relationships) , 40, 

41, 42, 43, 53, 73-4, 108, 134, 334 

Roberts, William, 45, 61 ff., 77 ff., 95-9, 101, 103, 108, 109-112, 113-8, 123, 
135-7, 153, 155, 168, 212-3, 216, 231, 259, 260, 265-6, 267, 273, 278, 
302, 320, 335-7 

Royal, Thomas F., 95, 101, 102, 103, 119, 123-4, 149, 157-8, 165, 167, 173, 
219, 277, 278, 320 

Schools and Colleges (see Methodist, educational efforts) 

Traders (see Hudson's Bay Co.), American, 15, 16, 30; land, 12; sea, 12 
Travel, 107-8, 109, 110, 111, 112, 122, 124, 125, 126, 127-8 

United States government, 12, 19, 31-4, 45, 53-4, 99-100, 111, 135, 136-8, 
142-5, 337 

Waller, Alvin F. (often spelled Alvan) , 29, 39, 44, 46, 48, 66, 71, 74, 79, 82, 

83, 84, 87, 88, 89, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 112-3, 152, 153, 154, 

156, 213, 230, 259, 322, 334 



Wilbur, J. W„ 49, 64, 71, 79, 82, 83, 84, 87, 88, 89, 95, 97, 101, 103, 108-111, 
119, 124, 143, 153, 156, 159, 160, 164 ff., 172, 213, 259, 260, 277, 302, 323 
Woodward, Luther T., 84, 87, 89, 95, 101, 102, 160, 164, 261, 269, 323 

Yarnes, Thomas David, 5-10, 249-250, 254, 325, 340, 343 


3 1144 00271747 7 


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A history of Oregon 









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